Using the Schwartz’ value module of the European Social Survey, the development of value priority within the Netherlands was explored between 2002 and 2010, also the relation between value priority...Show moreUsing the Schwartz’ value module of the European Social Survey, the development of value priority within the Netherlands was explored between 2002 and 2010, also the relation between value priority and the attitude towards immigration was tested. The value priority within Dutch society proved to be fairly stable over time and underlined the assumptions of the current theory on human values. Unexpected was a decline in priority for values promoting Conservation and am increase in priority for values promoted by Openness to Change from 2002 on. This is attributed to events in 2001 and 2002, both in the Netherlands and abroad, which probably temporarily increased the importance of Conservation values. Also the development for the value priority of specific antecedents of individual value priority was assessed. In nearly all cases the development of the value priority followed the pattern of the general sample. The relation between the attitude on immigration and value priority proved to be constant in all rounds of the ESS, but appears to be different from earlier studies. The conflict line between values that support or oppose immigration is situated in the middle of the circular value model, dividing the Conservation higher order value type plus power and benevolence and the Openness to Change higher order value type plus achievement and universalism.Show less
In dit onderzoek wordt ingegaan op de mate van congruentie van preferenties tussen de kiezer en het parlement ten aanzien van postmaterialisme. In de Nederlandse parlementaire democratie kan...Show moreIn dit onderzoek wordt ingegaan op de mate van congruentie van preferenties tussen de kiezer en het parlement ten aanzien van postmaterialisme. In de Nederlandse parlementaire democratie kan vertegenwoordiging worden bezien vanuit verscheidene dimensies. De mate van congruentie op de postmaterialistische dimensie wordt onderzocht aan de hand van de dimensionaliteit in het politieke spectrum, partijpolitieke waarden, sociologische factoren en institutionele factoren. De daadwerkelijke resultaten komen tot stand door kiezersonderzoek te vergelijken met standpunten in de Algemene Beschouwingen van de jaren '80 tot het begin van het nieuwe millennium. Dergelijk onderzoek naar congruentie is niet eerder uitgevoerd met betrekking tot postmaterialisme.Show less
In dit artikel wordt onderzocht of Rawls zijn rechtvaardigheidsprincipes uit A Theory of Justice toepast op de familie, en zo gender gelijkheid bevordert. Ik beargumenteer dat Rawls zijn principes...Show moreIn dit artikel wordt onderzocht of Rawls zijn rechtvaardigheidsprincipes uit A Theory of Justice toepast op de familie, en zo gender gelijkheid bevordert. Ik beargumenteer dat Rawls zijn principes niet toepast op de familie. De familie creëert een dilemma in de theorie van Political Liberalism. Om het reasonable pluralism van Political Liberalism te handhaven ziet Rawls af om zijn rechtvaardigheidstheorie toe te passen op de familie.Show less
This thesis argues that previous literature dealing with water scarcity conflicts and politics inside river basins misses out on important factors determining water scarcity. Hence, a political...Show moreThis thesis argues that previous literature dealing with water scarcity conflicts and politics inside river basins misses out on important factors determining water scarcity. Hence, a political geography and political ecology perspective is utilized in order to link international relations, political economy and geography. With this combination, concepts like food security, land-lease deals and their link with water scarcity are examined in order to illustrate that water scarcity is much more than water equity principles often found in transboundary river interaction between specific states. This thesis specifically focuses on the Nile Basin, most notably Egypt and Ethiopia in particular, and argues that many players from all over the world through investments and discursive practices interfere with Nile water allocation indirectly and obscurely. Hence, just hammering out a legal framework with Nile Basin riparians in not enough and should looked for in economic and discursive practices surrounding water scarcity.Show less
Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) is like soccer: there are supporters and opponents. Supporters credit BMD with providing full security against rogue states. Opponents fear a renewed arms race with...Show moreBallistic Missile Defense (BMD) is like soccer: there are supporters and opponents. Supporters credit BMD with providing full security against rogue states. Opponents fear a renewed arms race with Russia or China. There is another analogy: playing in the major league is awarding. Land-based and seabased missile defense each are attractive options, offering pros and cons to foreign policy makers, while military planners have to make tough decisions on how to allocate scarce defense resources in the face of austerity. A small or medium-sized state like the Netherlands has only a few policy options: emulate the policy of the hegemon, strive for national or European innovative solutions or (continue to) do nothing at all. Neoclassical realism holds that the state is not a black box in the anarchy of international relations, but that the foreign policy elite makes resource allocation decisions on the basis of its own perception of the external vulnerability of the state. State institutions, domestic influence groups and party politics in turn influence both threat perception and resource allocation. Resource allocation should ideally support the best foreign policy option to counter the perceived threat. Of course, external state actors, industrial and transnational organizations influence the foreign policy elite as well. Against this backdrop, the author uses the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism to research and describe the influence that domestic influence groups can exert on policy decisions regarding the Netherlands’ BMD capabilities. After a brief introduction into neoclassical realism, the external vulnerability is described in terms of the existing ballistic missile threat posed by Iran. The threat perception is approached form the eye of the beholder: regional actors, NATO as our primary security alliance and of course domestic actors. Then the primary BMD resources available to the Netherlands are described: operational capabilities, technological innovation and defense industrial base. External factors and domestic interest groups that affect resource allocation decisions, such as the international defense industry and national civic societal actors, are analyzed. The dominant foreign policy mantra that the Netherlands’ international reputation is at stake after incessant defense budget cuts and relinquishing our NATO commitments is also taken into account as a factor of influence. Finally, four adaptive strategies are researched as BMD policy options: blindly emulate US policy (with high investment costs), join European innovation policies (with high political and investment costs), do nothing (which eventually leads to a free rider status) or a mixed innovative emulation strategy (which attains foreign policy objectives appropriate for a small or medium power while at the same time promoting Dutch industrial interests). Research indicates that very few domestic actors actually oppose the Dutch role in BMD. The author concludes that the Netherlands cannot afford to lose its leading position in European BMD capabilities. Our reputation is firmly based on our Patriot capability, and for a long time we have punched above our weight. Our credibility is at risk – and maritime BMD is one of the very few niche capabilities that we hold as bargaining chip to promote our interests in international relations. The stakes are high – but so are the potential rewards.Show less
In deze scriptie is het gedrag van de Eerste Kamer bij het verwerpen van wetsvoorstellen geanalyseerd. De argumentatie van de Eerste Kamer is daarvoor vergeleken met die van de Tweede Kamer en...Show moreIn deze scriptie is het gedrag van de Eerste Kamer bij het verwerpen van wetsvoorstellen geanalyseerd. De argumentatie van de Eerste Kamer is daarvoor vergeleken met die van de Tweede Kamer en vervolgens zijn de verschillen tussen de argumentatie gekoppeld aan functies van de Eerste Kamer.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
closed access
The interaction of security and defence policy in United Kingdom has a distinct relationship. The relationship in this study was checked in the post-war stages of Iraq. The research found...Show moreThe interaction of security and defence policy in United Kingdom has a distinct relationship. The relationship in this study was checked in the post-war stages of Iraq. The research found interesting results on the interaction of policy and press. The nature of British press determines to a level the type of interaction between the two components. A combination of Hallin and Robinson’s theoretical framework was used to describe the interaction between news reporting and British defence and security policy in 2008. The empirical analysis found that the interaction in the entire period of analysis was in the level of policy dissent between the sub-systems and more specifically the political elite. The research also sought to find circumstances under which press attention to an issue such as defence and security policy would be amplified.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
open access
2012-09-03T00:00:00Z
Over the past few decades a considerable literature, based on the populist notion of democracy, attempted to explicate the more or less successful translation of citizen demands into policy by the...Show moreOver the past few decades a considerable literature, based on the populist notion of democracy, attempted to explicate the more or less successful translation of citizen demands into policy by the political system. Yet maximizing political responsiveness need not be the highest good a democracy can aspire too. Following a liberal theory of democracy this paper moves political responsiveness to the position of the independent variable and shows that there is a connection high political responsiveness (and the risks for a tyranny of the majority this entails) and the freedom of the people living within the state. Drawing on data from the OECD and the Eurobarometer a measure of political responsiveness is developed based on behaviour, rather than attitudinal congruence. This allows the author to show the negative association between responsiveness and freedom (as captured through the CIRI Human Rights Project) in a sample of Western and Eastern European countries between 2006 and 2010.Show less
Federale begrippen die ontwikkeld zijn in een westerse context zijn moeilijk te gebruiken in de decentraliserende landen in Afrika, in casu Ethiopië en Nigeria, omdat de centrale overheid...Show moreFederale begrippen die ontwikkeld zijn in een westerse context zijn moeilijk te gebruiken in de decentraliserende landen in Afrika, in casu Ethiopië en Nigeria, omdat de centrale overheid noodgedwongen te veel macht heeft.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
closed access
Recent research of internal conflict has changed the conception of civil war from the clash of two major actors along clearly defined political cleavages because of both theoretical considerations...Show moreRecent research of internal conflict has changed the conception of civil war from the clash of two major actors along clearly defined political cleavages because of both theoretical considerations and observations of civil wars in the post-Cold War era. On one hand, micro-level inquiries of civil wars concentrate on the importance of local issues in civil war environments and call attention to the fact that such local considerations are usually more important in participation and picking sides than past research assumed. On the other hand, the binary perception of civil wars also challenged by the increase in the number of symmetrical non-conventional (SNC) civil wars, fought mainly in multiethnic states and by actors with balanced, yetmutually low military capabilities. I argue that in this type of warfare actors feel less compelled to realign along the main cleavage of the conflict as it has been shown by research on the fluidity of groupallegiance in such wars. By looking at the cases of the Armenian community during Lebanon’s 1975-1990 civil war and the Baggara tribes of South Darfur in the Darfur conflict since 2003 I argue that SNC wars provide a good chance for pursuing neutral strategies. I argue that these neutral strategies are shaped by the values of two variables: the cohesion of the political leadership of the group and the relation between local intercommunal and supralocal national cleavages.Show less
Deze scriptie beschouwt het recht op zelfdeterminatie vanuit de politieke theorie. Eerst worden de verschillen tussen de huidige theorieën over dit thema uiteengezet, waarna er een alternatieve...Show moreDeze scriptie beschouwt het recht op zelfdeterminatie vanuit de politieke theorie. Eerst worden de verschillen tussen de huidige theorieën over dit thema uiteengezet, waarna er een alternatieve theorie wordt gepresenteerd. Hierbij wordt het recht op zelfdeterminatie voor volkeren gekoppeld aan de theorieën van John Locke.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
The South China Sea has been an area of perpetual tension between China, Taiwan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Thailand, Cambodia, Brunei, and Indonesia. Since 1970 there have only been a few...Show moreThe South China Sea has been an area of perpetual tension between China, Taiwan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Thailand, Cambodia, Brunei, and Indonesia. Since 1970 there have only been a few notable encounters between nations but plenty of strong discourse. What makes the conflict stand out is that during all these years there has been no escalation but no resolution either. There has been ample research done as to what possible solutions for the conflict may be, with varying degrees of feasibility. What is severely lacking is a better understanding of how this perpetual status quo is possible. This research looks for answers in three different theoretical schools, namely processual constructivism, hedging, and regional multilateralism. While the first particularly novel theory holds substantial explanatory power as far as China is concerned it fails to incorporate the behavior of other states. Hedging strategies in turn explain the absence of escalation rather well but not so much the absence of a resolution. It is a theory that focuses on Southeast Asian states and not all parties involved. Finally, regional multilateralism best explains the perpetuation of the conflict as well as the absence of a resolution. Ultimately, all these theories complement each other and altogether contribute to a much better understanding of the conflict.Show less
