The Covid-19 pandemic has altered how countries project and gain soft power. Within the context of this global crisis, most researchers followed the conventional trend to investigate soft power as...Show moreThe Covid-19 pandemic has altered how countries project and gain soft power. Within the context of this global crisis, most researchers followed the conventional trend to investigate soft power as a resource (i.e., health diplomacy). Yet, scant studies have approached soft power as an outcome. The present thesis fills this gap by examining how countries’ (i.e., United States’ and New Zealand’s) Covid-19 response affected their attractiveness abroad (i.e., in the United Kingdom and the Netherlands). In order to address this inquiry, the theoretical lenses of rational and social attraction are amplified with socio-psychological literature on the Similarity-Attraction Theory. The theories are tested by means of minimalist process-tracing, combined with a cross-case analysis. The findings support the proposition that (in)competencies (demonstrated through the Covid-19 response) sparked rational attraction (or aversion) among foreign audiences. While support indicating the presence of social attraction (or aversion) is detected, it warrants a more cautious interpretation due to case-specific alternative explanations. The findings challenge the assumption that “likeness goes with liking”, by underscoring how dissimilarities tied to success appeared to elicit attraction. Further research should investigate whether this effect is still present when the scope condition is not met.Show less
Due to climate change and rising temperatures, the world is more often facing extreme weather conditions like drought. Such conditions of water scarcity especially cause problems in countries...Show moreDue to climate change and rising temperatures, the world is more often facing extreme weather conditions like drought. Such conditions of water scarcity especially cause problems in countries dependent on agriculture, where failed harvests can cause negative income shocks and grievance development, influencing conflict. Focusing on the relationship between conflict intensity and water scarcity, this research explores the case of the Syrian civil war from 2011-2017, finding that over-time differences in temperatures can explain monthly variations in number of deaths. This research thereby confirms the fact that rising temperatures can lead to more intense conflict and concludes with brief discussion of policy recommendations to tackle drought-related conflict.Show less
Since the end of the Cold War, and especially since the adoption of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine, third party military interventions are only justified in cases of large-scale human...Show moreSince the end of the Cold War, and especially since the adoption of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine, third party military interventions are only justified in cases of large-scale human rights violations. However, the number of military interventions did not decrease since 1989. The exact intentions of military interventions are hard to find out. Yet, the effects should inherently improve human rights practices in the state in conflict. In this thesis, two types of human rights practices are distinguished: government respect for physical human rights and government respect for political rights and civil liberties. A large N study is done to measure the effect of military interventions since 1989 on these human rights aspects. It is argued that five years after an intervention takes place, there will be less physical harm to citizens. However, the effect on political rights appears to be diminishing. In addition, to contribute to the discussion about who should intervene, an analysis about the intervener’s political system is included in this thesis. The results impose important questions and debates, both about the intentions and effects of foreign troops intervening in a conflict, and about the conceptualization and cultural debate about human rights violations.Show less
Small states’ roles in international relations have often been overlooked but the dynamics have changed in recent times. With the creation of international organizations, small states can punch...Show moreSmall states’ roles in international relations have often been overlooked but the dynamics have changed in recent times. With the creation of international organizations, small states can punch above their weight and exert influence, making them important actors to consider. Their foreign policy choices can have significant impacts, however, traditional theories cannot always explain them. Constructivism based role theory is a new approach to foreign policy analysis with the potential to establish the link between size and behaviour. This paper aims to test whether role theory can explain Hungary’s foreign policy behaviour between 2010 and 2021. Despite being a small state, Hungary has received disproportionally significant attention in recent years due to its baffling foreign policy shifts. Amid the increasing geopolitical rivalry between the United States and China, Hungary often blatantly supported the latter at the expense of its EU and NATO allies. Through an inductive, latent content analysis of the Hungarian Prime Minister’s speeches, this research shows that role theory is a useful approach to make sense of puzzling foreign policy outcomes, especially regarding small states. The identified national role conceptions of the Prime Minister establish a direct link with the country’s confrontational foreign policy with Western allies and explain Hungary’s efforts to strengthen relations with China.Show less
This thesis compares the effects of NATO’s out-of-area operations in Kosovo and Afghanistan to analyze what effect geographical distance of operations have on Alliance Cohesion through the method...Show moreThis thesis compares the effects of NATO’s out-of-area operations in Kosovo and Afghanistan to analyze what effect geographical distance of operations have on Alliance Cohesion through the method of process tracing. Mainly because of the current geopolitical shift, it is important to evaluate what NATO should look out for policy-wise moving forward. The main variable of analysis in this was the changing threat-perception of the five largest contributors to both operations. The threat-perception was determined by analyzing national security reports and other primary sources from the countries involved in the analysis, focusing on elite-level policy making. What was found in the comparison was the threat-perceptions of all analyzed states were more aligned in the operations in Kosovo, while the lack of regional/national interests for the analyzed states in Afghanistan made it hard for the states to securitize the operations, damaging Alliance Cohesion. National interests and geopolitical interests were combined in the case of Kosovo, and led to the same end-goal. Meanwhile the operations in Afghanistan led to a larger discrepancy between national interests and geopolitical interests, making Alliance commitment tougher to define, and follow through on.Show less
This thesis aims to answer the question how are tweets used to represent female politicians in social media discourse? I will utilise the critical discourse analyses (CDA) method to analyse...Show moreThis thesis aims to answer the question how are tweets used to represent female politicians in social media discourse? I will utilise the critical discourse analyses (CDA) method to analyse language used in context of tweets. Gender bias is the behaviour that shows a favouritism towards one gender over the other. I will firstly present the literature that has been published previously, before moving on to the theoretical framework, looking at the theory of gender bias and women’s empowerment. This thesis will focus on the Netherlands as a case study, with Sigrid Kaag and Rob Jetten providing the qualitative sample. The Netherlands was chosen as research is lacking on European countries, while the Netherlands has one of the highest rates of women legislators. Choosing two politicians who both have prominent positions in the political party D66, with different genders will allow the research to ascertain if there is a difference in tweets that mention Sigrid Kaag and Rob Jetten. In conclusion, the thesis shows that language used in tweets constitute a gender bias towards the female politician Kaag.Show less
Since Latin America’s liberal democratization in the 1980s there has been a growth in academic attempts to assess its impact on the restrictiveness of migration policies. Thus, this thesis aims to...Show moreSince Latin America’s liberal democratization in the 1980s there has been a growth in academic attempts to assess its impact on the restrictiveness of migration policies. Thus, this thesis aims to uncover whether change in liberal democracy rank explains change in restrictiveness of Latin American migration policies. This thesis uses historical institutionalism as a theoretical lens to expose the role of domestic institutions in shaping state policymaking. A proportional odds logistic regression was conducted and revealed strong evidence that when there is an increase in liberal democracy ranking, there is a lower probability of restrictive migration policy implementation. Additionally, national gross domestic product and the political ideology of the party in power were shown to offer some explanatory power for change in migration policies. The analysis concluded that change in liberal democracy rank offers a convincing explanation for change in migration policy restrictiveness. Although the scope of this analysis means results can only speak for trends in Latin America, this thesis highlights the importance of viewing liberal democracy as ranked and not an ideal type when understanding it’s impact on policymaking. Further research should consider a broader scope of analysis as data collection in the region becomes more extensively available.Show less
Terrorist group IS has proved to be more successful in recruiting Western women than any other jihadist terrorist group. Due to the fall of the caliphate in 2019 more than 20 Dutch women now seek...Show moreTerrorist group IS has proved to be more successful in recruiting Western women than any other jihadist terrorist group. Due to the fall of the caliphate in 2019 more than 20 Dutch women now seek to return. Gentry & Sjoberg (2021) show that politically violent women are often understood as victims, which in turn affects policy decisions. In this research, Postmodern Public Administration Theory (PPAT) and Doty’s Discursive Practice Approach (1993) are combined to expose the dominant discourse on returning Dutch IS-affiliated women. Although the women who seek to return are portrayed in the debates in a neo-Orientalist and traditional way, the findings of this study show that the Second Chamber of the Netherlands does not regard IS-affiliated women as victims, but as perpetrators.Show less
This article seeks to address increasing concerns about the resurgence of US far-right groups in the wake of the January 6th Insurrection (2021) by studying an unexamined, nascent but influential,...Show moreThis article seeks to address increasing concerns about the resurgence of US far-right groups in the wake of the January 6th Insurrection (2021) by studying an unexamined, nascent but influential, far-right group known as the National Justice Party (NJP). Examining the NJP’s discourses provides both a better understanding of new developments within the far-right, as well as knowledge of how best to counter them. By applying the discourse-historical approach, it was found that the NJP’s discourses are partially in established literature as it relates to far-right ideological influences and the structure of its discourses. The NJP is partially outside of it for its novel systemization of what it calls ‘the anti-white system.’ This system causes whites to be systematically disadvantaged by elite Jews for advantage or profit. The anti-semitic scapegoating in addition to other contextual factors, suggest that the NJP is motivated by the increasing economic precarity and racial polarization in the country. This study contributes to the established literature by addressing a modest gap, and offers some policies to neutralize the appeals of the NJP’s discourses.Show less
This study aims to probe China’s attitudes toward Taiwan. The current literature contrasts two ideas. Realism argues that Taiwan is strategically important to China. Constructivism contends that as...Show moreThis study aims to probe China’s attitudes toward Taiwan. The current literature contrasts two ideas. Realism argues that Taiwan is strategically important to China. Constructivism contends that as fewer Taiwanese identify themselves as Chinese, China moderates its attitudes toward Taiwan. However, China should have annexed Taiwan according to realism, or keep the moderate attitude as Taiwanese people recognize as Chinese less. This study attempts to explain China’s attitudes by role theory. By investigating Message to Compatriots in Taiwan from 1958 to 2019, this thesis offers a comprehensive presentation of China’s attitude. In conclusion, China has taken a more identity-based than a relationship based role.Show less
Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles (UCAVs) are on their way to becoming the next step in the evolution of warfare and power projection. As the increasing proliferation of armed drones in recent years...Show moreUnmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles (UCAVs) are on their way to becoming the next step in the evolution of warfare and power projection. As the increasing proliferation of armed drones in recent years suggests, UCAVs are starting to replace the conventional military units and introduce new dimensions to armed conflicts. This study seeks to understand how these new capabilities shape the foreign policy behavior of states. By introducing three causal mechanisms, namely cost efficiency, operational and strategic superiority, and risk reduction, the study suggests that some unique characteristics of UCAVs have profound effects on state behavior. With a focus on the case of Turkey, the study concludes that the introduction of the armed drones to the Turkish national inventory played a major role in the reorientation and paradigm change of Turkish Foreign Policy (TFP) after 2016.Show less
Contemporary transnational terrorism destabilizes governments, threatens social and economic development while jeopardizing peace and stability. The 9/11 terrorist attacks and the War on Terror led...Show moreContemporary transnational terrorism destabilizes governments, threatens social and economic development while jeopardizing peace and stability. The 9/11 terrorist attacks and the War on Terror led to the implementation of counterterrorism strategies that feature hard and soft power politics. Simultaneously the global order changed with the rise of new great powers. Why do counterterrorism strategies from great power and non-great power states differ? Little has been done to explain the underlying variation. This comparative study shows that the theory of Nye (2004) can help to address the uncertainties in terms of future great power behaviour in the field of counterterrorism. Moreover, future research on this topic must examine the validity of this conclusion in relation to other cases than the US and the Netherlands.Show less
This thesis analyses how previously demilitarized states are pressured to remilitarize and tries to find a middle ground in the fragmented debate on this issue. The case study used to study this...Show moreThis thesis analyses how previously demilitarized states are pressured to remilitarize and tries to find a middle ground in the fragmented debate on this issue. The case study used to study this topic is Japan from the end of the Second World War until the present day. The two primary pressures through which the research is conducted are economic competition with the protector and the rise of new perceived threats. By reviewing both government sources and secondary literature it is apparent that external forces linked to economic competition and rising threats are consistently motivating remilitarization efforts. However, remilitarization is not one-dimensional. This paper observed both increased multilateral efforts and domestic military upgrading. These different facets interact with each other and provide a mixed-mode of remilitarization that does not neatly fit the existing polarized narratives.Show less
This thesis addresses the question How has the Transatlantic Atlantic relation, in terms of security and defence, developed since Obama until Biden, and what explains the main uncovered changes...Show moreThis thesis addresses the question How has the Transatlantic Atlantic relation, in terms of security and defence, developed since Obama until Biden, and what explains the main uncovered changes with special emphasis on the threat from China and Russia? By using neorealism and balance of threat the thesis uncovers, through the use of process tracing with in-depth interviews and primary records, that structural changes have greatly influenced the relationship and will continue to do so in the future. The thesis concludes after the initial decline, transatlantic relations between the EU and USA have now mainly been driven by the Chinese and Russian threats, with a more pragmatic coordinated strategy that benefits both the USA and Europe.Show less
The process of democratization varies greatly between states that attempt it. While some states successfully achieve democratization at an alarmingly fast rate, other states remain stagnated for...Show moreThe process of democratization varies greatly between states that attempt it. While some states successfully achieve democratization at an alarmingly fast rate, other states remain stagnated for years, sometimes even decades, ultimately being labeled as failed democratization attempts. Specifically concerning former Soviet Union (USSR) states, many have attempted democratization, yielding vastly different results. Some states, such as Estonia, have successfully democratized, and are now officially considered to be a democratized state. However, other states, such as Moldova, have been unable to progress further towards democratization, plagued by political, social and economic unrest. When looking at the case of Ukraine, we see a similar situation as Moldova—a stagnated process of democratization, plagued by unrest and conflict. However, in the case of Ukraine, there is still a chance at democratization. How will this become so? Why is it that some former USSR states have achieved democratization, while others have fallen behind and stagnated? This thesis will focus on evaluating the role of third-party mediation and Russian interference in the democratization of Ukraine, specifically considering the Eastern Ukrainian War in Donbas. This research will draw from established factors of successful democratization and apply several theories to analyze the impact Russian interference and failure of third-party mediation efforts during a conflict have on these factors. The research finds that Ukraine’s path towards democratization has been stagnated in part due to the failure of credible third-party mediation to monitor Russian aggression and commitment to ceasefire agreements. The visible effects can be seen during, and after, the War in Donbas. This research builds on existing factors of democratization in order to analyze a new argument of why democratization has failed, using the new factors of credible third-party mediation and Russian intervention again the theoretical framework of multidimensional prevention and the commitment problem.Show less
