There is a growing number of foreign-born adopted children with Special Needs. Despite this increase little is known about these adopted children and their needs. It is important to find answers to...Show moreThere is a growing number of foreign-born adopted children with Special Needs. Despite this increase little is known about these adopted children and their needs. It is important to find answers to the following questions: 1.Are there differences between adopted children from Taiwan with Special Needs and adopted children from Taiwan without Special Needs, concerning problem behavior? 2. Are there differences between adopted children from Taiwan and adopted children from China, concerning problem behavior? 3. Are there differences between adopted children from Taiwan with Special Needs and adopted children from China with Special Needs, concerning problem behavior? Through sending adoptive parents questionnaires, data was obtained from 310 adopted children from Taiwan. These data were compared with data from a comparison group consisting of adopted children from China (N = 1233). Problem behavior was studied with the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) and the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL). There were differences between girls with Special Needs from Taiwan and girls without Special Needs from Taiwan: the girls with Special Needs tended to have more problems with peers (SDQ), to have more internalizing problems (CBCL) and more total problem behavior (CBCL) than the girls without Special Needs. Boys with Special Needs from Taiwan also showed more internalizing problems (CBCL) than boys without Special Needs from Taiwan. Although „Special Needs‟ is considered to be something purely physical, both boys and girls with Special Needs showed more internalizing problems than children without Special Needs. It may be a pitfall to focus help only on the physical problems when helping adopted children with Special Needs. Besides that, girls from Taiwan (with and without Special Needs) showed more problem behavior on several problem scales than the girls from China. Similarly, girls with Special Needs from Taiwan showed more problems (according to the SDQ) than girls with Special Needs from China. This means that extra attention should be given to problem behavior from girls from Taiwan.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
closed access
When people look back at the 21st century they will undoubtedly characterize China’s rise as one of the major events. As the country ascends to a great power status, its regional and international...Show moreWhen people look back at the 21st century they will undoubtedly characterize China’s rise as one of the major events. As the country ascends to a great power status, its regional and international counterparts observe how Beijing will project its power. The East Asian neighboring states have been tenser because of their ongoing maritime territorial disputes with China. Multiple diplomatic episodes from the mid-2000s until today in the East and South China Seas and demonstrations of Chinese assertiveness in pursuing its national claims have been at the heart of regional tension and instability. In this context, the present thesis poses the following research question: Which factors explain China’s assertive behavior in the East and South China Seas? My main argument is that China’s assertiveness is due primarily to three factors, which are: Beijing’s reactions to other states’ actions, Chinese popular nationalism demand for a stronger external presence and its growing necessity to acquire natural resources and safeguard national transportation corridors. In order to examine the effects of these three factors I have undertaken two case studies, namely the case of Japan and the East China Sea contention and the case of the Philippines and the South China Sea contention.Show less
This paper analyzes the impact of acquisition of membership of international organization (in this case, WTO) on member states' domestic trade laws reforms. For this end, multilevel governance...Show moreThis paper analyzes the impact of acquisition of membership of international organization (in this case, WTO) on member states' domestic trade laws reforms. For this end, multilevel governance theory is used to pinpoint the conductive roles of state authority, industry and local norm system in the indigenization of international laws.Show less
The thesis examines the attempt of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) to establish a trading post on the mainland of China from 1660 to 1690. It tries to explain the reasons why the Dutch suspended...Show moreThe thesis examines the attempt of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) to establish a trading post on the mainland of China from 1660 to 1690. It tries to explain the reasons why the Dutch suspended their direct trade in 1690 to rely on foreign shipping, mainly carried out by Chinese junks. It considers political, economical and cultural impacts as well as the Dutch and Chinese/Manchu mentalities.Show less
In de tweede helft van de 17e eeuw stuurde de Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie drie gezantschappen naar het Chinese hof te Peking in een poging om daar handelsbetrekkingen aan te knopen. In deze...Show moreIn de tweede helft van de 17e eeuw stuurde de Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie drie gezantschappen naar het Chinese hof te Peking in een poging om daar handelsbetrekkingen aan te knopen. In deze scriptie worden de eerste twee van die gezantschappen naast elkaar gelegd. Ook wordt er gekeken naar pogingen van andere Europese landen, in die periode, om via het Keizerlijk hof toegang tot de Chinese markt te krijgen. Er worden twee vragen gesteld;allereerst is de vraag welke tactiek de Nederlanders in China volgden. Kort door de bocht kan gesteld worden dat de VOC twee werkwijzen had in Azië. Aan de ene kant was er de agressieve aanpak die zij in de Indonesische archipel met succes gebruikten tegen staten daar en waarmee ze op veel plekken een handelsmonopolie wisten af te dwingen. Aan de andere kant was er de meegaande aanpak, in Japan, bijvoorbeeld, werden de bevelen van de Shōgun strikt opgevolgd, in de hoop niet te worden uitgezet. De vraag is dus wat zij in China deden. Vervolgens is de vraag of de twee gezantschappen van elkaar leerden en, zo ja, wat er dan aan hun aanpak veranderde.Show less
Growing demand or declining availability of water makes distribution decisions based on water scarcity an increasingly acute problem across the globe. In my research, I focused on the question...Show moreGrowing demand or declining availability of water makes distribution decisions based on water scarcity an increasingly acute problem across the globe. In my research, I focused on the question whether water scarcity can lead to conflict. To investigate how water and conflict are connected I used two theories which are the most relevant when dealing with the connection between water and conflict, Water Wars theory and Resource Curse theory. I studied the Darfur conflict case and the Chinese environmental conflict case to find out if water scarcity can lead to conflict.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
open access
2017-01-01T00:00:00Z
Why do democracies not go to war with other democracies? The idea that the internalized liberal-democratic norms of peaceful conflict resolution within a democratic society are responsible for the...Show moreWhy do democracies not go to war with other democracies? The idea that the internalized liberal-democratic norms of peaceful conflict resolution within a democratic society are responsible for the democratic peace, also referred to as the normative explanation, remains subject to a particular lack of empirical academic attention. The few studies into the normative explanation have not tested what should be tested: whether liberal democratic norms indeed affect the behavior of democratic citizens in comparison to the behavior of nondemocratic citizens. This research performs an improved empirical test and studies (1) whether liberal norms exist in a democracy in comparison to a non-democracy and (2) whether these norms have an effect on the individuals of these societies concerning the wish to use force in International Relations. An experimental design showed that there was no significant difference between a group of Dutch students and a group of Chinese students when it comes to the use of force in IR. A marginal effect of the regime type for the democratic citizens was found. Remarkably, in a comparison with the autocratic experimental group, these democratic citizens turned out not to be specifically more peaceful towards other democracies, but rather more war-prone towards autocracies. The overall conclusion of this study is that for both experimental groups the perception of threat was the main indicator for a decision to attack. This research argues that, in contrast with earlier research, there is no support to the claim that the normative explanation can explain the empirically found peace between democracies.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Ideational factors, which range from democracy to human rights, from sustainable peace to multilateralism, have long played an important role in the European Union’s (EU) foreign policies toward...Show moreIdeational factors, which range from democracy to human rights, from sustainable peace to multilateralism, have long played an important role in the European Union’s (EU) foreign policies toward China, with a wide range of issues that could be found in recent decades such as the arms embargo, resolutions critical of China’s human rights in United Nations Commission of Human Rights (UNCHR), and many other fields in EU-China relations. Despite the significance of ideational factors, it is tempting but premature to conclude that the EU’s external policies towards China have been dominated by normative power. The policy preference of the EU towards China is affected by the role of institutions in facilitating the emergence of a sense of community based on shared norms, interests and a common identity. Yet EU positions, decision and actions in the world are produced as the result of often complex interactions in a multi-level system, involving the member states singly and collectively, as well as the common institutions. Would such complex interactions bring some kind of convergence in a normative European policy towards China? How does China respond to the emergence of ideational factors in bilateral relations? Does China see the EU as a normative power? Thus, social constructivist tools should be applied to analyze the emergence of ideational factors as a consequence of both internal interaction within the EU and external interaction between Europe and China. This study focues on the notion of Normative Power Europe (NPE) by examining the role of ideational factors in EU’s foreign and security policies toward China, as well as China’s perception of EU’s promotions and pressures in these values through case studies. More specifically, the study is a two-step process. The first stage is to explore the different goals of multiple European actors and how these goals interact with normative factors in shaping their foreign policy towards China. In this stage, analytical target is not restricted to the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) or European Commission (EC) level, but takes into account member states’ positions and foreign policies toward China. In the second stage, China’s perception of Europe’s normative driven policies will be introduced, by looking into the response of Beijing and relevant literature. This research attempts to explain the lack of a normative convergence in EU and reveal China’s perception in EU’s normative power.Show less
This thesis analyzes the development of social movements in China since the beginning of Deng Xiaoping's reforms. A comparison of the democracy movements of the 1980s and the labour movements of...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the development of social movements in China since the beginning of Deng Xiaoping's reforms. A comparison of the democracy movements of the 1980s and the labour movements of the 2000s is the central focus of the paper with special attention given to the role of the media, and social networking, in the development of these movements. It is argued that both movements share the strikingly similar grievances and methods of organization, and that the media, despite its continuing liberalization, continues to play only a marginal role.Show less
