In conflict literature, much attention has been given to the relation between food prices and conflict, as well as the effects of climate change on conflict and food security, in an attempt to...Show moreIn conflict literature, much attention has been given to the relation between food prices and conflict, as well as the effects of climate change on conflict and food security, in an attempt to explain civilian victimisation through food security. However, the effect of crop pests and diseases on violence against civilians has not been studied, despite the large proportion of worldwide crop loss caused by these factors. This study theorises that these pests pressure the local food supply and thus force armed groups to use violence in order to obtain their necessary resources from the local population. This results in the hypothesis that the occurrence of plant pests in an area increases the risk of violence against civilians by non-state actors. Specifically, this study focuses on the effects of locust swarms in four African countries: Somalia, Sudan, Ethiopia and Kenya. The hypothesis is quantitatively tested using both OLS regression and negative binomial regression. A positive correlation between locust swarm occurrence and violence against civilians is found, which holds up against both fixed effects and specific control variables. This new finding suggests that the occurrence of locust swarms shortens the time horizons for cooperation between rebels and the local population, incentivising rebels to quickly gain resources using violence rather than engaging in long-term, more peaceful cooperation.Show less
Research typically stresses the repressive component of authoritarian states-civil society relations, but the role of concessions in these relations is still under-studied. As such, these analyses...Show moreResearch typically stresses the repressive component of authoritarian states-civil society relations, but the role of concessions in these relations is still under-studied. As such, these analyses do not consider a broader spectrum of dynamics and overlook that authoritarian state relations with civil society often combine coercive and cooperative elements. Seeking to answer the question of what drives authoritarian rulers to give concessions to civil society, this research concludes that perceived country-level threats motivate state concessions to civil society organisations working alongside state objectives of national stability and social cohesion. Focusing on present-day China, this study uses congruence analysis to test its conclusions against those anticipated by the hypothesis. The results contest theories that assume the relationship between authoritarian rulers and their citizens as unidirectional and expand on the literature on “consultative authoritarianism.” In providing a broader understanding of these relations, this research also hopes to help equip democratic leaders looking to foster the growth of civil society in authoritarian nations with the knowledge that is helpful to formulate more context-appropriate and effective foreign policy goals and behaviour.Show less
Minority representation is a hot topic in U.S. politics. This paper will explore the effects of racial redistricting on minority representation by focusing on the Black and Hispanic minority in the...Show moreMinority representation is a hot topic in U.S. politics. This paper will explore the effects of racial redistricting on minority representation by focusing on the Black and Hispanic minority in the United States. Using quantitative analysis, this paper will use nationwide data on electoral districts and their representatives in the House of Representatives to test four hypotheses. It will underline the importance of majority-minority districts to ensure equal representation for minority groups.Show less
The European Union is often considered a powerful force in democracy promotion in its neighbourhood, widely being credited with the successful democratisation of many Central and Eastern European...Show moreThe European Union is often considered a powerful force in democracy promotion in its neighbourhood, widely being credited with the successful democratisation of many Central and Eastern European countries (Dimitrova & Pridhram, 2004; Pop-Eleches, 2007; Schimmelfennig, 2007). It is all the more puzzling therefore that this successful push for democratisation has not materialised in the Western Balkans, where many countries, despite their status as candidate member states of the union, have experienced prolonged periods of democratic backsliding (Castaldo, 2020, 1633). Why is the EU’s strategy to promote democratic performance failing here? Several researchers have pointed towards the EU’s own policy agenda as an important contributor to the decrease in democratic performance (Huszka, 2018, 361; Castaldo, 2020, 1633). This thesis set out to contribute to these studies by analysing the effects of an EU-sponsored media reform in Serbia that has been accused of decreasing media freedom in the country (Freedom House, 2016; Huszka, 2018, 361; Castaldo, 2020, 1630-1631). Through a mixed quantitative and qualitative content analysis, it aimed to answer the question: how has the EU-sponsored media strategy impacted progovernment bias in the Serbian media? It found that pro-government bias in the media was not significantly affect by the media strategy.Show less
Contemporary European politics has seen a surge of new political parties successfully gaining political representation across the national parliaments. However, many disintegrate soon after...Show moreContemporary European politics has seen a surge of new political parties successfully gaining political representation across the national parliaments. However, many disintegrate soon after recording their parliamentary breakthrough, but some manage to survive and establish themselves in their party systems. What can explain these contrasting fates? First, a brief review of the available literature on the topic is presented and various theories are examined, which leads to the specification of the research question: “Does the homogeneity of party elites’ social backgrounds increase the likelihood of new party survival?” This thesis aims to contribute to the empirical research on the survival of new parties and answer the research question using a qualitative analysis of an extensive dataset of party elites’ social backgrounds in five new political parties in Slovakia. The research did not find compelling evidence to support the hypothesis that the homogeneity of party elites’ social backgrounds increases the likelihood of new party survival. The thesis concludes by discussing the reasons for this, explores alternative explanations, addresses its limitations and identifies areas for further research.Show less
This study examines the impact of African Youth Activists (AYAs) at last year's Conference of the Parties (COP27). Despite being disproportionately affected by climate change, marginalized groups,...Show moreThis study examines the impact of African Youth Activists (AYAs) at last year's Conference of the Parties (COP27). Despite being disproportionately affected by climate change, marginalized groups, such as AYAs, often face challenges in having their voices adequately heard due to underlying structures that favor countries and non-governmental organizations from the Global North. The Political Opportunity Structure can be used to examine whether AYAs have opportunities to make a difference in a system. This involves evaluating whether there are entry points for new actors to enter the political process and whether the existing mechanisms within the system effectively accommodate and integrate new perspectives. To explore this, the study conducted 12 semi-structured interviews with AYAs to investigate how the existing power relations at COP impact their participation. The perception of AYAs on power relations and their opportunities for intervention provide insights into their reality and how they navigate the structural aspects of the political process. The findings of this research can be used to find places to intervene in the UNFCCC- system and improve activists' work at COPs in the future.Show less
Political participation is typically associated with conventional forms of participation, but in recent years academics have been increasingly interested in unconventional political participation...Show morePolitical participation is typically associated with conventional forms of participation, but in recent years academics have been increasingly interested in unconventional political participation due to declining turnout rates across European democracies. Unconventional forms of participation in politics are quite freely practiced in democratic countries, however, it remains unclear which factors influence unconventional modes of participation in non- democratic countries. The aim of this thesis is to examine the individual and context-level factors that may influence the patterns of unconventional political participation in Turkey. For this purpose, drawing on the civic voluntarism model and the political opportunity structure as the theoretical backbone of the study, regression analyses are conducted using World Values Surveys for the years 1996, 2001, 2007, 2011, and 2018 to see how the impact of various individual-level variables and the rule of law index changes over time. The findings indicate that more educated and politically interested citizens as well as members of civil society organizations have a greater likelihood to engage in unconventional political participation.Show less
Groups working within the same contested issue-area often make different claims although they are working within the same cause. This research explores this phenomenon by comparing two Palestinian...Show moreGroups working within the same contested issue-area often make different claims although they are working within the same cause. This research explores this phenomenon by comparing two Palestinian rights advocacy groups in the Netherlands and explaining their claim-making strategies through the framework of political context which is measured in terms of institutional access, alliance structure, and conflict structure. This case is chosen as it examines a contested issue within a political environment that has historically proven to be hostile towards it. This study argues that the political context of a group plays a key role in determining whether they employ an inside- oriented or outside-oriented claim-making strategy. Through a qualitative comparative analysis, this research has demonstrated that, with consideration to other possible explanations, differing political contexts lead to divergent claim-making strategies for advocacy groups despite their similar characteristics. Additionally, while the political context shapes the claim-making strategy, this does not diminish group agency.Show less
The current debate on nudging is dichotomous since it either mentions the arguments in favor of or opposed to nudging. Proponents of nudging also assume that nudges should pursue the goal to...Show moreThe current debate on nudging is dichotomous since it either mentions the arguments in favor of or opposed to nudging. Proponents of nudging also assume that nudges should pursue the goal to produce certain desired outcomes. This paper questions the current dichotomy of the debate and the assumption on the goal of nudges by differentiating between an output-oriented and a process-oriented conception of nudging. The aim of the thesis is to argue that process-oriented nudges rather than output-oriented nudges are desirable because they can promote the autonomy-based freedom of individuals. The thesis formulates three conditions that process-oriented nudges should satisfy in order to promote autonomy-based freedom and it applies the process-oriented conception of nudging to three different nudges. The paper concludes that especially the nudges that make relevant information salient and that change defaults are compatible with a process-oriented conception of nudging. The process-oriented conception of nudging was applied to the empirical case of vaccination policies in order to find out what kind of nudges would be compatible with a process-oriented conception of nudging.Show less
In a context of insufficient climate action on the part of governments, the question of whether individuals have any underlying moral responsibility concerning climate change has become...Show moreIn a context of insufficient climate action on the part of governments, the question of whether individuals have any underlying moral responsibility concerning climate change has become increasingly relevant. However, despite various theoretical attempts to ground such responsibility, none of them has been completely satisfactory, resulting in a lack of consensus in the scholarly literature. In this thesis, I engage with this debate, guided by the following research question: what is the nature of individual responsibility for climate change? I build on Iris Marion Young’s Social Connection Model (SCM) of responsibility to respond to this question. I argue that using Young’s SCM to conceptualize individual responsibility to face climate injustice is appropriate because it captures the structural nature of the problem. The shared and forward-looking responsibility it entails and its focus on collective political action provide a framework to respond to climate injustice meaningfully. However, while Young sees the nature of such responsibility as being strictly political, I engage critically with the author and argue that, instead, the responsibility we bear to face climate injustice is moral. Despite concerns about moral responsibility and the blameworthiness it entails, I explore how blame can be a mechanism of accountability and social enforceability, fundamental for ensuring effective collective climate action.Show less
How and why do civilians refuse cooperation with governments during wartime mobilisation? Research examining civilian cooperation and non-cooperation within conflict studies has largely overlooked...Show moreHow and why do civilians refuse cooperation with governments during wartime mobilisation? Research examining civilian cooperation and non-cooperation within conflict studies has largely overlooked the micro-level dynamics of civilian resistance in inter-state war. Addressing this gap, this study uses testimonial data on the lived experiences of Russian civilians who refused cooperation with the Russian state following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. The paper develops an argument that manifestations of civilian non-cooperation are shaped by individual and collectivised security seeking behaviour within repressive governance structures. It integrates theories of civilian agency and authoritarian repression. Lived experiences of violent repression both construct the image of the state as a violent institution and inform the efficacy of tactics of resistance, resulting in variation between avoidance, overt-resistance and oblique-resistance behaviours. As an exploratory study, the paper identifies gaps in our understanding and avenues for future research on civilian cooperation and non-cooperation in inter-state armed conflict.Show less
