The theme of this thesis is the 2008 Russian military reforms which have been the most significant reforms since the fall of the Soviet-Union. The results of the reforms were mixed but successful...Show moreThe theme of this thesis is the 2008 Russian military reforms which have been the most significant reforms since the fall of the Soviet-Union. The results of the reforms were mixed but successful in comparison with earlier attempts. To find a possible explanation for some of the negative outcomes this thesis asks the following research question; To what extent does the dysfunctional, kleptocratic and corrupt system provide the explanation for the shortcomings of the Russian reforms of its military in 2008? The research question will be answered from a socio-cultural angle, and can perhaps provide an explanation for the dysfunctionality, kleptocratic and corrupt system that negatively affected the 2008 reforms. Based on the analysis in this thesis, it can be concluded the Russian military is plagued by a variety of problems that are socio-cultural in nature. This thesis demonstrates that aspects such as corruption, the legacy of the Soviet mentality, organizational culture and the negative public perception fuel the dysfunctionality of the Russian military and thus are related to the shortcomings of its reforms.Show less
Soft power has become increasingly important for emerging states to establish themselves on the global landscape. Sports mega events present the perfect opportunity to do so in allowing the host...Show moreSoft power has become increasingly important for emerging states to establish themselves on the global landscape. Sports mega events present the perfect opportunity to do so in allowing the host country to engage in nation-branding and image promotion. Academic literature suggests that hosting a sports mega event contributes extensively to the host country’s soft power. With an unfavorable international reputation, Russia recognized the necessity to improve on its soft power and hosted the 2018 FIFA World Cup. However, Russia’s soft power remained seemingly unchanged despite the expected soft power impact of hosting a sports mega event. Academic literature fails to account for the crucial role of the media in determining the success of a sports mega event in combination with the fragile nature of soft power. This thesis argues that negative media narratives resulted in Russia’s inability to increase its soft power despite hosting a sports mega event, and, thereby, that the role of the media has been largely neglected in sports mega event discourse. Negative effects of sports mega events are identified, and corresponding keywords are applied in a qualitative content analysis to analyze negative media narratives in newspaper articles. Subsequently, it is explained what role the media played in the impact Russia's hosting of the 2018 FIFA World Cup had on the country's soft power based on narratives of corruption and human rights violations as well as Russia’s projection as international ‘bad guy’.Show less
At the turn of this millennium Russia stood before the behemoth task of rising from the ashes left behind by the chaotic 90's. Russia's seemingly endless natural resources and an accompanying rise...Show moreAt the turn of this millennium Russia stood before the behemoth task of rising from the ashes left behind by the chaotic 90's. Russia's seemingly endless natural resources and an accompanying rise in oil prices only go so far in its development. However, to gain relevance on the world stage beyond the constant military flexing and being an energy appendage to the upper echelon industrialised countries, it needs to produce marketable technologies and secure a spot among the greatest economies. At the end of the first decade a new paradigm in the way we transact information found prominence in the minds of the tech savvy, which turned into the explosive development of the Blockchain technology. This potentially revolutionary new technology has the characteristics to alter the social fabric in which old power structures become obsolete, but at the same time provide a golden opportunity for the relative young and unbound Russian IT sector to thrive and leave a global mark. The new generation technocrats plead for full scale adoption, regulation and development of this technology, but their older and politically more powerful Soviet rooted counter parts plead against the dangers of this shift in dynamics. In this work I looked at what the blockchain technology means for Russia and how the Russian authorities took a stance in adapting the technology.Show less
This thesis studies how the Russian leadership securitised the compatriots during the annexation of Crimea in 2014. To this end, the thesis delves into the historical precedents and the political...Show moreThis thesis studies how the Russian leadership securitised the compatriots during the annexation of Crimea in 2014. To this end, the thesis delves into the historical precedents and the political discourse that shaped the securitisation of the Russian-speaking diaspora in the former Soviet republics. Through primary sources, this thesis presents a deconstruction of the recurrent themes in the political discourse, the security apparatus as well as the securitisation process with the help of the securitisation theory. The analysis of the materials studied shows that the compatriots have become a geopolitical tool for Russia when several favourable circumstances align, which allow the Kremlin to overstep the rules of ordinary politics into the realm of extraordinary measures. The compatriots have become an important asset in Russian foreign policy and, by extension, a potential security threat since they are considered Russian citizens whose identity and rights must be protected even when they are outside of Russia.Show less
The main objective of this thesis is to examine how the 2013 anti-gay propaganda law benefited the Russian government. This builds a connection between the effects of the law and the motivation for...Show moreThe main objective of this thesis is to examine how the 2013 anti-gay propaganda law benefited the Russian government. This builds a connection between the effects of the law and the motivation for passing the law. To be able to answer this central research question, it is necessary to investigate two sub-questions further: first, why the anti-gay propaganda law was implemented in 2013, and second, in what ways has the anti-gay propaganda law been implemented? after extensive research an overall trend can be seen. The main reason for the anti gay propaganda law to be passed was in order to strengthen Putinsism after Putins re-election. This can be examined by using Developmentalism, The ROC, a Russian national identity and media within Russia. This thesis therefore then asks the question if the LGBTQ+ community was only a victim of power politics or were specifically targeted with homophobic legislation.Show less
The thesis encompasses the role of the KGB during the Prague Spring (1968). The development of the KGB is briefly explained in combination with the development of Czechoslovakia since 1945. This...Show moreThe thesis encompasses the role of the KGB during the Prague Spring (1968). The development of the KGB is briefly explained in combination with the development of Czechoslovakia since 1945. This thesis adds a new view to the debate about the Brezhnev-era and the role of the KGB in that era.Show less
The thesis will demonstrate how Russia strongly needs a successful foreign policy for the Western Balkan region. As this region has both geopolitical and strategic significance, numerous leading...Show moreThe thesis will demonstrate how Russia strongly needs a successful foreign policy for the Western Balkan region. As this region has both geopolitical and strategic significance, numerous leading powers are battling for their dominance. Thus, Russia will need to prevail and maintain its position per se. In more depth, Russian foreign policy approaches will be analyzed through the case studies of Serbia and Montenegro. Based on that, the research question for this thesis will be: "How does Russia make use of its foreign policy as an instrument of maintaining its presence in the WB? (The case of Republic of Serbia and Montenegro)." Firstly, this thesis will include a specific scholarly approach, which was not much outlined in other corresponding literature. Accordingly, the thesis will demonstrate how both Serbia and Montenegro are reacting to Russian foreign policy influences. Along with that, it will be seen in which foreign policy aspects Russia has an advantage over the EU, which is their principal rival in the region. Hence, this structure will avoid a black and white and simplified analysis of foreign policy influences in the Western Balkans. The results of the analysis will explain how Russia mainly channels political, economic, and security leverages to Serbia and Montenegro. Most of these aspects coincide with a realist perspective, which Russia favors in their Western Balkan foreign policy goals. In the end, the thesis will point out the extent of Russian influence in these two states, which differ between each aspect. It will also prove the importance of Russian presence in the Western Balkans and leave more room for new analysis by upcomingscholars.Show less
This study aims to shed light on the controversial discussion surrounding Nord Stream 2, a sister gas pipeline of Nord Stream doubling the direct gas transport capacity from Russia to Germany, and...Show moreThis study aims to shed light on the controversial discussion surrounding Nord Stream 2, a sister gas pipeline of Nord Stream doubling the direct gas transport capacity from Russia to Germany, and to be completed at the end of 2019. It is argued that through this latest trade agreement with Russia, Germany has indirectly become an important factor in managing European stability. This thesis provides more insight into these German-Russian bilateral energy relations and its implications, by analyzing existing and new empirical data, and tracing the causal relations between Nord Stream 2, Germany’s national interests, and the political stability of the European Union. N.B. When reading this thesis, it needs to be taken into account that given the novelty and strong political implications of this topic, many notions and drawn conclusions could still be susceptible to change still. Therefore, the conclusion functions merely a description of current state of affairs and a prognosis of the future.Show less
The research question of this thesis will focus on the MH17 trial, which started in March 2020. To achieve a better understanding of Russian and Dutch media coverage of this topic, this thesis will...Show moreThe research question of this thesis will focus on the MH17 trial, which started in March 2020. To achieve a better understanding of Russian and Dutch media coverage of this topic, this thesis will aim to answer the following research question: “Did Russian and Dutch online news media portray the Flight MH17 incident differently In March 2020, and if yes, to what extent?”. From this starting point, this thesis will aim to achieve insight in the spread of (dis)information by Russian and Dutch online news media on the topic of the MH17. In addition, it will explore any possible differences between aforementioned news media in reporting on the MH17 trial.Show less
This paper aims to analyse the democratic potential of the internet and the ways in which the Russian pro-government disinformation campaign is used to limit this potential by conducting...Show moreThis paper aims to analyse the democratic potential of the internet and the ways in which the Russian pro-government disinformation campaign is used to limit this potential by conducting exploratory research on Russia as a single case study. Firstly, Russia’s disinformation campaign is analysed on its own. Secondly, the paper causally connects this disinformation campaign to the internet’s potential to consolidate democracy, primarily as a new free medium for information. In doing so, the paper makes use of two theories, inoculation theory and network theory, as underlying mechanisms for its analysis. It is argued that a negative relation can be observed between the internet’s potential to consolidate democratic developments through free and truthful information and Russia’s disinformation campaign. As this paper remains primarily theoretical in its analysis, further research is advised to determine how this relation has manifested in Russian society and what practical implications can be observed.Show less
The main finding of this master thesis is that Russian state-controlled media communicated Russia’s 2018 pension reform through a pattern of media frames aimed to explain the reform as the only...Show moreThe main finding of this master thesis is that Russian state-controlled media communicated Russia’s 2018 pension reform through a pattern of media frames aimed to explain the reform as the only reasonable solution to a problem. This thesis has used three framing analysis theories that highlight from different perspectives how the 2018 pension reform was framed on Perviy Kanal, the largest Russian news channel. The first chapter of this thesis is a literature review of (media) framing research. Framing research is a popular and multifaceted topic in the field of (political) communication. A preliminary concept of framing could refer to how media uses selection and salience to influence human consciousness and shape public opinion (Entman, 1993, 2004). The second chapter elaborates on the contemporary mass media environment in Russia and specifically focusses on framing in Russian mass media. The last chapter discusses the results of this thesis’ empirical research based on the concept of media framing and against the background of earlier research about how mass media is employed in Russia. The primary research discusses Russian news broadcasting reports that cover topics on, or related to, the pension reform in Russia from 14 June 2018 until 14 January 2019.Show less
This thesis set out to determine the way in which the state-controlled media of the separatist-held territory of Donetsk in Eastern Ukraine have framed the separatist narrative. This is done...Show moreThis thesis set out to determine the way in which the state-controlled media of the separatist-held territory of Donetsk in Eastern Ukraine have framed the separatist narrative. This is done through a framing analysis of a selection of articles that were chosen and sampled according four different time-frames over the years 2017 and 2018. These periods correspond to events that led to heightened tensions in the conflict between Ukraine and DPR, namely: ‘the battle of Avdiivka’, ‘the economic blockade’, ‘the death of Zakharchenko’ and the ‘Kerch Strait incident’. Six frames were inductively reconstructed and grouped into three categories according to their relation with Ukraine, DPR and Russia. With regards to Ukraine the following frames were found: Ukraine as an aggressor’; ‘Ukraine as a disruptor’; ‘weakness and incompetence of Ukraine’. Frames related to DPR consisted in ‘legitimacy of DPR’ and ‘DPR citizens as victims’. Lastly, the frame that emerged in relation with Russia was ‘Russia as a mediator’. The findings of this study suggest state-controlled DNR-News has framed the separatist narrative with the help of two dominant approaches. One that is inclusive of Russia by representing it as an actor primarily responsible for ensuring DPR’s continuous existence and the success of its separatist ambitions. In a different approach, DPR’s independence is marked as a significant goal even though Russia has not yet recognised its independence and it does so by claiming the right to self-determination. There is thus an attempt at finding a right balance between the two and in turn, render the fight for the separatist cause more plausible.Show less
This MA thesis is a research into the origins, structure and patronage of the Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics in Eastern Ukraine's Donbas region. In this MA thesis, five terms are being...Show moreThis MA thesis is a research into the origins, structure and patronage of the Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics in Eastern Ukraine's Donbas region. In this MA thesis, five terms are being researched to see whether or not they are applicable to the People's Republics in the Donbas. These terms are puppet state, protectorate, client state, associated state and vassal state. The conclusion of this MA thesis is that the Donetsk People's Republic and the Luhansk People's Republic can be considered both Russian puppet states as well as Russian protectorates.Show less
The heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims...Show moreThe heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of Russian foreign policy within the OSCE as well as Russia’s stance towards Euro-Atlantic security issues. It addresses the question how Russia discursively constructs its national identity within the OSCE in the period 2008-2018 and whether these discourses reveal any changes and/or contradictions. This thesis fills an important research gap, because no previous research has been done on Russia’s national identity within the OSCE. A comprehensive understanding of a state’s national identity in its foreign policy is relevant, as it provides insights into the ideological factors that drive how a state defines and pursues its national interests and subsequently foreign policy. A poststructuralist discourse analysis is conducted of the Russian statements delivered at the yearly OSCE Ministerial Council Meetings in the period 2008-2018. The discourse analysis provided insights into how Russia perceives and would like to promote itself within the OSCE. It demonstrated that Russia presents itself within the OSCE as a redeemer of OSCE unilateral actions and an advocate of multilateralism, as a leading, responsible and moral actor that wants to be perceived and treated as a great power, and lastly as a guardian of traditional values and the Russian Orthodox Church.Show less
The debate on the EU and the various aspects of its enlargement process is a topic which has been viewed through various approaches; however no specific theory is capable of encompassing and...Show moreThe debate on the EU and the various aspects of its enlargement process is a topic which has been viewed through various approaches; however no specific theory is capable of encompassing and explaining the EU, its behavior, position, actions and role in the international political scene in the entirety of its complexity. In this regard Kenneth Waltz stated that “If we gather more and more data and establish more and more associations, however, we will not finally find that we know something” (Waltz, 2010, p.4). Therefore, continuously piling up new data does not contribute to our understanding and it brings us to finding new approaches and methods. In this sense, this research tries to paint a clearer and wider picture of the EU and its process through some of the core/basic principles of realism. Namely the process of EU enlargement is influenced by numerous factors; this thesis however, is focused specifically on the concept of threat perception as an important external factor which influences decisions in regards to EU enlargement. Stephen Walt, through his Threat Perception Theory (TPT), has not only provided a systematic way to introduce the concept of threat perception in the overarching theory of realism, but has also through the 4 categories, provided us with a tool to determine the concrete evaluation of a threat. In this thesis, that evaluation is applied to the example of Russia and how it is perceived from the EU standpoint. Walt has defined these four categories in such a way that they are not only applicable to the evaluation of threat that comes from certain actors (states), but they also provide room for analyzing specific aspects of their policies. This thesis utilizes this applicability of Walt’s TPT and uses it to also analyze the threat coming from Russian natural gas/energy politics. Due to the fact that threat, as a wider concept, is irrefutably connected to the concepts of survival and power, this thesis will also tackle the topic through the prism of these two primary concepts of realism. When it comes to power it will more notably focus on the works of Tom Casier (2018) and the notions of positive and negative compulsory power. Where this research deviates from the (often dogmatic) principles of the realist theories is the claim that states are the unitary actors on the international scene. This thesis views, and proves, that the EU is a sui generis actor capable of creating and achieving its foreign policy goals. Thus the aforementioned concepts which are generally attributed to states in realist theories, in this research are applied to the European Union.Show less
Russia has increased its presence in the Arctic. This thesis will argue that this happened due to climate change and economic opportunities, as well as the new security risks that these bring, but...Show moreRussia has increased its presence in the Arctic. This thesis will argue that this happened due to climate change and economic opportunities, as well as the new security risks that these bring, but above all due to Russia’s connection to the notion of power. With the help of revisionism and neo-revisionism, this thesis will explain why Russia is present in the Arctic in the way that it is, and why its behaviour is seemingly ambiguous and sometimes even conflicting.Show less
In light of the growth in cyberattacks occurring over the past few years, especially after the devastating effects of NotPetya and WannaCry malwares, this thesis reviews the application of the...Show moreIn light of the growth in cyberattacks occurring over the past few years, especially after the devastating effects of NotPetya and WannaCry malwares, this thesis reviews the application of the securitisation theory to the phenomenon of cyberattacks. It addresses the shortcomings of the theoretical framework proposed by the Copenhagen School of thoughts with regards to this particular security area and suggests an adapted approach, more flexible and contextual. The paper develops its thesis in the context of Russian cyberattacks against the Ukrainian power grid and infrastructures that occurred in recent years.Show less
Although the USSR often claimed to promote equality in relations with other peoples, this has frequently been shown to be untrue. Specifically, in the case of the USSR's relationship with the...Show moreAlthough the USSR often claimed to promote equality in relations with other peoples, this has frequently been shown to be untrue. Specifically, in the case of the USSR's relationship with the Caucasus through the use of Orientalist tropes. So, using Edward Said's theoretical framework of Orientalism, the question "How have constructions of Orientalist discourses of the Caucasus changed from the Soviet Union to the Russian Federation?" was investigated in the context of Leonid Gaidai's 1967 film "Kidnapping, Caucasian Style" and Alexei Uchitel's 2008 film "Captive". These constructions have primarily changed along 5 Orientalist tropes. First, tropes of 'backwardness' have remained, though they have shifted from a focus on lack of modern technologies and customs to tropes of either a disorganized band of people in some cases or a militant and violent group in others. Second, representations of alcoholism, as a means of showing a lack of faith in Islam as well as an overly textual approach to understanding it, have remained largely unchanged over time. Third, portrayals of the Caucasus as a feminized "Other" have changed over time. Although feminine aspects have remained as justifying Soviet and Russian intervention in the region. Fourth, the exotic aspect of the Caucasus, though very present in Soviet portrayals, has largely faded from Russian Orientalist representations. Finally, Soviet and, especially, Russian Orientalism portray the Caucasus as being in a state of nature, as a wild and mysterious land that is inherently hostile to Russians. Thus, although constructions of Orientalist discourse have changed in some aspects and remained similar in others, their use as a means of justifying Soviet and Russian presence remains strongly similar and Orientalist.Show less
The ongoing conflict in Ukraine has redirected the attention of scholars and political analysts towards the often-forgotten frozen conflicts, now, consolidated into functioning de facto states in...Show moreThe ongoing conflict in Ukraine has redirected the attention of scholars and political analysts towards the often-forgotten frozen conflicts, now, consolidated into functioning de facto states in the Post-Soviet region. The recent opening of the official diplomatic representation of Transnistria in Moscow has sparked a series of questions regarding the intentions of the de facto state and its patron, Russia. While other de facto states, such as Abkhazia and South Ossetia have been recognised and have established official diplomatic missions in Moscow since 2008, the PMR is only taking these steps now. These developments point to a new chapter for Transnistria and raise questions regarding the statehood of the de facto state. This thesis seeks to uncover the overarching mechanisms which foster the development of de facto statehood. Considering the ‘renewal’ of negotiations in the ‘5+2’ format and the declared progress made in in terms of the ‘policy of small steps’ in Transnistria, this is a good place to start. Hence, this thesis aims to explore the causal link between peace processes and de facto statehood.Show less
