This thesis problematises the finding that resource-rich rebels do not govern civilians because of their short-term perspectives and fixation on looting which results in predatory behaviour....Show moreThis thesis problematises the finding that resource-rich rebels do not govern civilians because of their short-term perspectives and fixation on looting which results in predatory behaviour. Therefore, this thesis investigates under what conditions resource-rich rebels do engage in rebel governance. I argue that the characteristics of natural resources affect the exploitation strategy of rebels, which comprises extraction, kidnapping and theft. Those exploitation strategies and the presence or absence of armed competition over resource-rich territory, determine the extent to which resource-rich rebels govern civilians. Three rebel groups are analysed through a focused structured comparison in combination with process tracing. The analyses have revealed that rebels who enjoy both a complete and partial monopoly on resource-rich territory have the ability to divert their resources to rebel governance. Further findings have revealed that rebel groups who adopt extraction as an exploitation strategy engages in governance. In particular, rebel groups mobilise civilians to extract resources in order to acquire economic rents as well as establish civilian administrations to impose taxes and provide security and welfare services. To obtain profits from natural resources, rebels depend on civilians for physical labour. Therefore, rebels establish contractual relations with the local population which results in rebel governance. Hence, resource-rich rebels perceive civilians as valuable assets who can sustain their rebellion. These findings provide an intriguing theoretical framework which renders the first tools to unravel the conditions under which resource-rich rebels govern.Show less
This thesis will examine the link between women’s civil society organizations (CSOs) and women at the negotiation table in the Havana Peace Process between the Colombian government and the FARC...Show moreThis thesis will examine the link between women’s civil society organizations (CSOs) and women at the negotiation table in the Havana Peace Process between the Colombian government and the FARC guerilla group. Although women are often ignored in peace processes, previous studies have shown a positive relation between the inclusion of women and the outcome of these negotiations. Jana Krause theorizes that female participation in peace negotiations is linked to the durability of peace because female negotiators sustain linkages with women’s CSOs. Through process tracing, this thesis will test whether Krause’s theory can be used to explain the outcome of the Havana Peace Negotiations between the Colombian government and the FARC, taking place from 2012 until 2016. The results will show that women’s organizations were instrumental in getting women in the negotiating teams, and in turn, these women with formal power in the negotiations ensured the participation of women’s CSOs through consultations. This has contributed to the inclusivity of the content of the peace accord but has not necessarily produced any positive effect on the implementation of the agreement, thereby partially supporting Krause’s theory.Show less
Youth marginalisation negatively affects the lives of young Ugandans in many ways. Art can provide a way for youth to make their own decisions and act upon them, even when external factors hamper...Show moreYouth marginalisation negatively affects the lives of young Ugandans in many ways. Art can provide a way for youth to make their own decisions and act upon them, even when external factors hamper this ability. Two young male Ugandan artists were interviewed. They talk about their lives and their relation to art and Ugandan politics. Building on a theoretical framework that recognises the importance of art as a political tool, these interviews were analysed. This research found that art in Uganda is used by youth to perform political agency, but in the lives of the interviewees, also to perform agency over their lives in general.Show less
On the 15th of March 2019, the Linwood Islamic Church centre and the Al-Noor Mosque in Christchurch had been the target of a terrorist attack. The perpetrator of this attack, Brenton Tarrant, had...Show moreOn the 15th of March 2019, the Linwood Islamic Church centre and the Al-Noor Mosque in Christchurch had been the target of a terrorist attack. The perpetrator of this attack, Brenton Tarrant, had released a manifesto in which he cited NATO`s intervention of Kosovo in 1999 as one of the motives behind his attacks. However, this was not the sole instance in which Tarrant referred to the Yugoslav wars, as he was listening to the song ""Karadžić, Lead your Serbs!"" (also known as God is a Serb) prior to his arrival to the Al-Noor Mosque. Additionally, the guns used by Tarrant were brandishing the names of several individuals including those of that the Serbian Prince Lazar Hrebeljanović and Miloš Obilić. These references to Prince Lazar and Milos Obilic are significant, as they are part of the Kosovo Myth and by extension the Heavenly Serbia discourse which are linked to violence within the region, especially towards Muslims. In light of this, the purpose of this paper is to assess to what extent the discourse of the Christchurch shooter is inspired and or connected to the Heavenly Serbia discourse. In order to explore this relationship, this paper applies a critical discourse analysis on The Great Replacement written by Tarrant.Show less
This paper aims to analyse how Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) popularly known as drones, impact the Westphalian sovereignty of those states in which the strikes are carried out. More broadly, the...Show moreThis paper aims to analyse how Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) popularly known as drones, impact the Westphalian sovereignty of those states in which the strikes are carried out. More broadly, the paper will investigate the wider implications drones have for an international system organised and based around the pillars of a Westphalian system of international relations. Territorial integrity and exclusion of external actors from a specific polity coupled with a monopoly of violence inside a certain territory are seen as the sine qua non elements of internal and external sovereignty. Analysing Westphalian sovereignty through the drone lens is important because the drone could act as a fundamental vehicle to analyse the state of affairs of the international system. The analysis conducted points to the drone as being the catalyst at the same time for a weakening and strengthening of the Westphalian state: a weakening for the states in which the strikes are carried out, and a strengthening for those states with UAVs capabilities which have dramatically expanded their reach to protect their citizens and project power in the international realm. A projection of power which reflects or reinforces a view of the international system divided amongst the have and the have-nots, a schism created by the possession of drone capabilities.Show less
Deze scriptie heeft een bestaand theoretisch kader over onpartijdigheid toegepast in een casusstudie over de United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). Naar dit kader wordt geanalyseerd of...Show moreDeze scriptie heeft een bestaand theoretisch kader over onpartijdigheid toegepast in een casusstudie over de United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). Naar dit kader wordt geanalyseerd of UNIFIL onpartijdig was in de periode vanaf zijn oprichting in maart 1978 tot december 1981.Show less
Research on the “new” crime-terror nexus points out a recent trend of criminals turning to Islamist terrorism in Western Europe, assumes this is due to an overlap of criminal and terrorist milieus,...Show moreResearch on the “new” crime-terror nexus points out a recent trend of criminals turning to Islamist terrorism in Western Europe, assumes this is due to an overlap of criminal and terrorist milieus, and argues this is significant because former criminals make more effective terrorists (Basra, Neumann & Brunner 2016). Despite being left out of Basra, Neumann and Brunner’s study, Bosnia’s militant Islamists possess well-developed criminal capabilities. This research draws on the explanatory power of the concept of legitimacy to analyze the development of the Islamist movement in Bosnia and how it uses crime. Through contextualizing and synthesizing open-source information on five post-war terrorist attacks in Bosnia, I argue that the leaders of the Bosnian Islamist movement have since the Bosnian War effectively established and drawn on local and international networks to recruit for and fund terrorist activity, thus diminishing the significance attributed by Basra, Neumann and Brunner to the role former criminals play in financing the Islamist movement and carrying out terrorism. This research encourages a reassessment of some of the main assertions of the new crime-terror nexus and suggests a need for its further study in Bosnia, a country of particular significance to the global jihadist movement.Show less
This thesis analyses the behaviour of the European Central Bank during the sovereign debt crisis. It argues that the ECB deviated in some key aspects from the expected behaviour of central banks,...Show moreThis thesis analyses the behaviour of the European Central Bank during the sovereign debt crisis. It argues that the ECB deviated in some key aspects from the expected behaviour of central banks, in particular in its role as a lender of last resort.Show less
The European Union (EU) and Turkey have had a very long history with its ups and downs, with its collaborations as well as clashes in economics, politics, social policies and more. One aspect of...Show moreThe European Union (EU) and Turkey have had a very long history with its ups and downs, with its collaborations as well as clashes in economics, politics, social policies and more. One aspect of their long-lasting relationship is the accession of Turkey into the EU, however despite relations that go way back, the accession talks have been very slow and progress very little. This brings out the question of why? Looking at existing scholarly work it is possible to find a large variety of answers, which will be discussed further in the Literature Review below. However what were the real reasons that the EU gave? In order to answer this question as objectively as possible, one must look at the Progress Reports which are published annually by the European Commission as they will give a concrete answer to this question.Show less
