Although jihadist organisations envisage a society segregated by roles between the sexes, they increasingly turn to women in pursuit of their goals. This is a double-edged sword for jihadist...Show moreAlthough jihadist organisations envisage a society segregated by roles between the sexes, they increasingly turn to women in pursuit of their goals. This is a double-edged sword for jihadist organisations: while female recruits increase the pool of followers, the discrepancy between their patriarchal ideology and women’s enlistment may have implications for their legitimacy. Whereas explanations have been offered as to how jihadists resort to patriarchal gender beliefs to legitimise their exclusion of women, questions remain regarding how jihadist groups use gender to legitimise their inclusion of women. Increased understanding of this gender component may yield insight into the organisational structure of jihadist organisations and their future direction regarding female recruits. Exploring the case of ISIS, this thesis analyses the extent to which the group adopted a gender perspective in legitimising its recruitment of women between 2015 and 2017. By conducting a critical discourse analysis, three gendered narratives are identified that ISIS employed in justifying its recruitment of women, depicting women as builders of the Ummah, as representatives of Islam and as guardians of the Caliphate. Rather than women challenging its patriarchal hegemony, the narratives illustrate how ISIS used this structure to create a set of gendered incentives and thereby attributed women (violent) agency.Show less
Thesis on diplomats’ experiences on interdepartmental, international, and local cooperation during their deployment in a Provincial Reconstruction Team in Afghanistan by analysing autobiographies...Show moreThesis on diplomats’ experiences on interdepartmental, international, and local cooperation during their deployment in a Provincial Reconstruction Team in Afghanistan by analysing autobiographies written by diplomats on their experiences. From the analysis of the autobiographies, lessons learned regarding the three different types of cooperation are drawn.Show less
This essay looks at the security discourse developed by the Colombian right-wing political movement Uribismo and its impact in the aftermath of the 2016 Colombian peace process between the...Show moreThis essay looks at the security discourse developed by the Colombian right-wing political movement Uribismo and its impact in the aftermath of the 2016 Colombian peace process between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Using discourse analysis to identify key messages of the security rhetoric and juxtaposing them with findings from fieldwork conducted in Bogota in 2018, the paper concludes that the discourse reinforces divided identities, uses security fears and a history of political violence and transforms the peace process in another point of political cleavage, preventing peace-building efforts in Colombia.Show less
This thesis investigated the differences between the legitimacy claims of the Janjaweed militia and the JEM rebel movement during the Darfur conflict until the Darfur Peace Agreement in 2006. A...Show moreThis thesis investigated the differences between the legitimacy claims of the Janjaweed militia and the JEM rebel movement during the Darfur conflict until the Darfur Peace Agreement in 2006. A framework containing three elements of legitimacy: norms, ideas, and actions was operationalized to explore the concept of legitimacy and the differences between the legitimacy claims of the Janjaweed and the JEM. The resulting analysis has shown that the traditional norms of legitimacy of both groups did not differ substantially. However, their ideas of legitimacy have shown many distinctions. These distinctions within the context of Darfur can be explained through several regional, national, and international processes which effected ethnic tensions in Darfur and influenced the ideas of legitimacy of both the JEM and the Janjaweed. The Janjaweed adopted a militarized Arab supremacist ideology and exhibited brutal violence along ethnic lines. The JEM on the other hand, rebelled against the marginalisation of the Darfur region by the ‘illegitimate’ GoS.Show less
The 'training and equipping trusted local forces’, also known as Security Force Assistance (SFA), became a central component in many global conflict in the modern era all around the world. The...Show moreThe 'training and equipping trusted local forces’, also known as Security Force Assistance (SFA), became a central component in many global conflict in the modern era all around the world. The indirect way of engaging in conflict is, according to policy makers, today’s panacea to ‘achieve a more sustainable victory’ while ‘it won’t require us sending a new generation (...) overseas to fight and die for another decade on foreign soil’. The unfortunate reality is, however, that little is known about the sustainability of this military strategy. Available studies on SFA predominantly assess the effectiveness on the battlefield, but there is surprisingly little academic research – let alone public debate – on its long-term effects and the kind of security it creates. As a first attempt to rectify this relative inattention in the literature, this study investigates the Mosul Offensive to understand how and with what effect the U.S.-led Global Coalition against Daesh tried to govern security outcomes in Iraq through the SFA programs that were central to Operation Inherent Resolve between 2014 and 2018.Show less
This thesis looked at Erik Prince and his fall from grace in the United States and his return several years later. The research question of this thesis is: How can the seemingly paradoxical...Show moreThis thesis looked at Erik Prince and his fall from grace in the United States and his return several years later. The research question of this thesis is: How can the seemingly paradoxical resurfacing of Erik Prince under the Trump administration be explained in relation to the position of the Private Security Sector in the United States? Initially when looking at the matter, it appears there is a paradox surrounding the resurfacing of Erik Prince. However, when examining the matter more closely it appears the paradox is, in fact, not present at all. This is due to the continuity of the development of the private security sector after Prince had left the United States. Although the public and politics openly turned away from private security, behind the scenes the business thrived. This can be seen at the factual use of private security by the United States in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan after Prince fell from grace. Since Prince remained active in his business ventures and private security, even though he suggested otherwise, a return was waiting to happen. With a more favourable administration with Donald Trump as its president, a full return is not as unusual as initially thought. The like-minded president and the many connections Prince had in, or near, the White House provided plenty of opportunity to return to the United States. This thesis provides a background of the revival of the private security sector after the Cold War followed by a chapter on the life, business, benefits and the role of Erik Prince both inside and outside the USA. Thirdly, the development of the private security sector is analysed. This chapter focusses on the regulatory developments as well as the development of the sector under the two presidencies since the Nisour Square Massacre in 2007. This massacre is generally accepted as the event that initiated the fall of Erik Prince. Finally, the thesis looks at the question whether Prince was ever really gone from the United States and relates this back to the research question.Show less
One of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked...Show moreOne of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked humanitarian aid from entering its territory, based on the principle of sovereignty. Theoretically, international aid organizations have impartial access to deliver humanitarian aid when necessary, based on the fundamental humanitarian principles. Paradoxically, these fundamental principles have limited aid organizations to execute their work and compromises needed to be made with the Assad government in order to obtain access. Ever since the beginning of the conflict, humanitarian aid has been unequally distributed via government channels between government- and opposition controlled areas in Syria. It has become a strategy of warfare for the Assad regime, perpetuating violence and advancing legitimization and support for the nation’s regime. Simultaneously, international aid organizations created cross-border operations in order to circumvent this demonstration of the politicization of humanitarianism. This thesis extensively addresses this phenomenon and its consequences, by examining the central research question: To what extent has the politicization of humanitarianism impeded neutral emergency food aid delivery by international aid organizations in the Syrian conflict between 2011 and 2019?Show less
Conflicts do not naturally attract the interest of policy makers nor do they naturally garner international recognition and attention. It is therefore essential to understand, if conflicts are...Show moreConflicts do not naturally attract the interest of policy makers nor do they naturally garner international recognition and attention. It is therefore essential to understand, if conflicts are ignored, how inattention manifests itself in inaction, what are the consequences of inattention and why does inattention exist. This thesis will seek to answer these questions within the primary confines of the conflict(s) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It will be argued that attention is a commodity predominantly distributed by policymakers and media organisations who may choose to pay attention or not. The consequences of inattention, such as increased levels of severity and violence, can therefore be attributed to those purposefully ignoring conflict.Show less
Ever since the start of the war on terror, governments worldwide have struggled with countering the narratives that are spread by violent extremist organisations. Recent academic research has...Show moreEver since the start of the war on terror, governments worldwide have struggled with countering the narratives that are spread by violent extremist organisations. Recent academic research has produced several prescriptions that indicate what aspects potentially successful counter-narrative, alternative narrative and government strategic communications programmes need to possess. Testing the scholarly recommendations on target audience, message, messenger and medium to the actual policies of Malaysia and Indonesia, it becomes apparent that the policies of both states are partially congruent with the dominant ideas in the literature. However, what both Malaysia and Indonesia lack is a clear delineation of target audiences based on level of radicalisation, the provision of alternative things to do to complement their alternative narrative programmes and a comprehensive strategy to combine online and offline measures to achieve the most sustainable effect. Still, when comparing the respective policies of the two states, it must be noted that Malaysia is more congruent with the scholarly prescriptions than Indonesia. The most important differences between the two states are that the Malaysian authorities showcase a more sophisticated awareness and application of the relevant academic definitions and take a rather comprehensive approach to providing government strategic communications, the latter of which is practically lacking in the case of Indonesia.Show less
The thesis researches the potential of a separate jihadi strategy domain within the field of Strategic Studies. The thesis examines three case studies; Hezbollah, Hamas and Al Qaeda. These case...Show moreThe thesis researches the potential of a separate jihadi strategy domain within the field of Strategic Studies. The thesis examines three case studies; Hezbollah, Hamas and Al Qaeda. These case studies are compared on three separate elements of strategy; the ends, ways and means. The thesis concludes that these jihadi organizations lend certain aspects of Western strategic scholars and applied them to their own practices. Thus, it can be said that a separate field of jihadi strategic studies can be useful and relevant to strategic studies. Additionally, the analysis shows that jihadi organizations do think strategically when it comes to obtaining their objectives, and that they borrow elements from other jihadi organizations and Western strategic studies. This seems to suggest that no real ‘Western’ or ‘Islamic’ Way of War exists, but rather that strategic thinking is influenced by cultural heritage and the cultures that it comes into contact with.Show less
The paper in question identifies the main strands in international relations theory on insurgent cohesion. It proceeds by testing these strands on an original history of the Kosovo Liberation Army...Show moreThe paper in question identifies the main strands in international relations theory on insurgent cohesion. It proceeds by testing these strands on an original history of the Kosovo Liberation Army from its conception to its victory in 1999. Ultimately, the paper examines the relation between the cohesion of the organization and its political choices and vice versa.Show less
