Conflicts do not naturally attract the interest of policy makers nor do they naturally garner international recognition and attention. It is therefore essential to understand, if conflicts are...Show moreConflicts do not naturally attract the interest of policy makers nor do they naturally garner international recognition and attention. It is therefore essential to understand, if conflicts are ignored, how inattention manifests itself in inaction, what are the consequences of inattention and why does inattention exist. This thesis will seek to answer these questions within the primary confines of the conflict(s) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It will be argued that attention is a commodity predominantly distributed by policymakers and media organisations who may choose to pay attention or not. The consequences of inattention, such as increased levels of severity and violence, can therefore be attributed to those purposefully ignoring conflict.Show less
Ever since the start of the war on terror, governments worldwide have struggled with countering the narratives that are spread by violent extremist organisations. Recent academic research has...Show moreEver since the start of the war on terror, governments worldwide have struggled with countering the narratives that are spread by violent extremist organisations. Recent academic research has produced several prescriptions that indicate what aspects potentially successful counter-narrative, alternative narrative and government strategic communications programmes need to possess. Testing the scholarly recommendations on target audience, message, messenger and medium to the actual policies of Malaysia and Indonesia, it becomes apparent that the policies of both states are partially congruent with the dominant ideas in the literature. However, what both Malaysia and Indonesia lack is a clear delineation of target audiences based on level of radicalisation, the provision of alternative things to do to complement their alternative narrative programmes and a comprehensive strategy to combine online and offline measures to achieve the most sustainable effect. Still, when comparing the respective policies of the two states, it must be noted that Malaysia is more congruent with the scholarly prescriptions than Indonesia. The most important differences between the two states are that the Malaysian authorities showcase a more sophisticated awareness and application of the relevant academic definitions and take a rather comprehensive approach to providing government strategic communications, the latter of which is practically lacking in the case of Indonesia.Show less
The thesis researches the potential of a separate jihadi strategy domain within the field of Strategic Studies. The thesis examines three case studies; Hezbollah, Hamas and Al Qaeda. These case...Show moreThe thesis researches the potential of a separate jihadi strategy domain within the field of Strategic Studies. The thesis examines three case studies; Hezbollah, Hamas and Al Qaeda. These case studies are compared on three separate elements of strategy; the ends, ways and means. The thesis concludes that these jihadi organizations lend certain aspects of Western strategic scholars and applied them to their own practices. Thus, it can be said that a separate field of jihadi strategic studies can be useful and relevant to strategic studies. Additionally, the analysis shows that jihadi organizations do think strategically when it comes to obtaining their objectives, and that they borrow elements from other jihadi organizations and Western strategic studies. This seems to suggest that no real ‘Western’ or ‘Islamic’ Way of War exists, but rather that strategic thinking is influenced by cultural heritage and the cultures that it comes into contact with.Show less
