In this thesis I will review the dynamics of economic relations between Israel and Palestine, in the context of its corresponding policy framework and the institutional arrangements (the Oslo...Show moreIn this thesis I will review the dynamics of economic relations between Israel and Palestine, in the context of its corresponding policy framework and the institutional arrangements (the Oslo Accords) that cover the implementation and management of those relations. I focus on the effect of the agreements on Palestine’s capacity to generate revenue, and will analyse this from three economic domains in which revenue can be generated: trade, taxation and labour. I will argue that the Oslo peace process has formalized and institutionalized economic relations that foster serious economic dependency, and that the agreements have failed to address the core economic weaknesses the Palestinian economy has had to deal with as a consequence of prolonged occupation and colonial structures.Show less
In the past decades the global foreign aid system has witnessed the rise of a new, or rather re- emerging, group of donors (Woods Ngaire 2008; Momani and Ennis 2012; Young 2017). The UAE is one of...Show moreIn the past decades the global foreign aid system has witnessed the rise of a new, or rather re- emerging, group of donors (Woods Ngaire 2008; Momani and Ennis 2012; Young 2017). The UAE is one of these aid donors, having established a foreign aid system in its founding year 1971. Due to the lack of transparency in its aid practices and the small size of the country, the UAE’s aid practices have been understudied. However, some moves towards greater transparency have developed and thus renewed investigation into this question is possible (Almezaini 2012). One of the UAE’s major foreign aid beneficiaries is Egypt, particularly since 2013 when the largest share of UAE foreign aid was directed to the country (MICAID 2014). This thesis analyzes the motivations driving UAE aid to Egypt since 2011. In so doing, it outlines theories of aid allocation and proposes an alternative to the theory of constructivism. Moreover, it posits that the motivations driving UAE aid to Egypt are twofold: a desire to influence Egypt’s political landscape and a perceived threat of rising Muslim Brotherhood and political Islam rhetoric in a regionally influential country.Show less
Recently, scholarly debate on peacebuilding and reconciliation is making a “local-turn”, pointing towards local actors, such as civil society organizations, to achieve inclusive and locally...Show moreRecently, scholarly debate on peacebuilding and reconciliation is making a “local-turn”, pointing towards local actors, such as civil society organizations, to achieve inclusive and locally grounded peace and reconciliation. Despite this interest, little studies have examined if, and how, these local actors make a contribution to these goals. Such a case is Lebanon, characterized by protracted, sectarian conflict, but where a group of CSOs is active within this contentious nexus between conflict and peace. How does the work of these CSOs fit in the paradigm of reconciliation? Can they contribute to reconciliation in Lebanon? Following these questions, this research suggests that these CSOs can be understood through the framework of political reconciliation of Schaap (2005). Furthermore, they exhibit various functions to a reconciliation process: They advocate new narratives on identity, conflict and history, and the rights of victims. It arises that participatory and grassroot approaches are most conducive to successes of the CSOs. At the same time, the strategy and goals of the CSOs are negotiated by constraining factors. In what I call a ‘negotiated reconciliation process’ sectarian and corrupt structures on the one hand, and resource-based problems and international donor wishes on the other, mitigate the level of success of the CSOs.Show less
Dreams, development, destiny. Every nation has a fantasy for itself, a part of which is infrastructure development. Research has shown that these visions are affected by historical visionary themes...Show moreDreams, development, destiny. Every nation has a fantasy for itself, a part of which is infrastructure development. Research has shown that these visions are affected by historical visionary themes and shifts in spatial boundaries. This study aims to uncover how these visions are manifested regionally and globally. These visions have been challenged by certain realities of infrastructure development. The angle of labour recruitment brings to light how the fantasy of enhanced employment rates and economic success has been disempowered through the exclusion of unskilled labour communities. Building on existing work on social exclusion I ask the question : How has labour recruitment within port structures impacted the developmental and geopolitical imaginations of state actors that are co-developing with the Chinese BRI? This thesis critically engages with debates surrounding labour recruitment and Foreign Direct Investment through two case studies - the UAE and Pakistan. It uses port development as a conceptual space in which these labour recruitment challenges visibly undermine national visions. The study concludes that geopolitical imaginations create ideal mirages of economic development enabling accessibility through infrastructure networks while overlooking the exclusion of unskilled minority labour communities which has the potential to threaten national security.Show less
The 2008 economic crisis and the subsequent austerity measures have given a great push for research related to gender issues. These studies indicate a link between austerity measures and gender...Show moreThe 2008 economic crisis and the subsequent austerity measures have given a great push for research related to gender issues. These studies indicate a link between austerity measures and gender effects. In line with these contributions, this research will present a study on Spain as an exemplary case for the interrelatedness of gender and austerity measures in the period 2008-2014. By analysing whether gender perspectives were taken into account in austerity measures on both the labour market and welfare policies, it is shown that gender perspective were rarely included. Additionally, the second part of the analysis focusses on the actual status of gender to see the effect of this lack of a gender perspective in the austerity measures. This gives a dual answer, whereby gender differences are not visible for all used labour market indicators. In general, this research shows the complexity of the austerity measures situation from a feminist GPE perspective, which results in an advise of incorporating gender perspectives on a regular basis as policy-makers, in order to be able to take gender and gender effects better into account in future economic policy-making.Show less
This thesis analyzes the motives behind the hesitation of the American military interference in Syria to overthrow President Bashar al Assad. It provides a close focus on the role of global and...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the motives behind the hesitation of the American military interference in Syria to overthrow President Bashar al Assad. It provides a close focus on the role of global and regional actors in Syria. The research question of this paper is: What explains the hesitancy of the US involvement in the Syrian War? The research is focused on the red-line speech of President Obama to intervene in Syria and the following chemical weapon attack in Damascus. This study provides significant insight into the political relations between the US and Syria as well as the Syrian civil war. Many academic pieces of literature have been examined to combine valuable information about the power dynamics in the Middle East and their impact on the Syrian civil war. As a result, it is concluded that there are multiple causes behind the hesitancy of the US military intervention in Syria. These are listed as, the vetoes of Russia and China in the UN Security Council, the concern of non-ending regional war, the economic, political and humanitarian costs of the war, the emergence of the radical groups and the absence of strong secular opposition, the concern of state of chaos after the intervention, minor factors like difficult geography, population and the advanced air defense of SyriaShow less
The present Bachelor thesis looks at why refugees of Palestinian origin are treated differently from all other refugees and how this affects their rights. Palestinian refugees are the only group...Show moreThe present Bachelor thesis looks at why refugees of Palestinian origin are treated differently from all other refugees and how this affects their rights. Palestinian refugees are the only group that has been specifically excluded from the protection and the rights stipulated in the 1951 Refugee Convention. Although their ongoing displacement clearly constitutes a protracted refugee situation, Palestinian refugees do not respond to three-step solution that the UNHCR pursues in such situations: assimilation, resettlement or repatriation. By resolution 194 the United Nations in 1948 enshrined the right of return for the Palestinian refugees and created a dedicated agency, the Conciliation Commission on Palestine (UNCCP), to assure the collective rights of Palestinians. The UNCCP has become obsolete over the years without being formally abandoned and the UNRWA, the Relief and Works Agency that is tasked with the delivery humanitarian assistance is facing increasing restrictions. Being tied to weak organisations that were meant to offer some sort of protection, many Palestinian refugees today have to face the dilemma that only collective rights, as stipulated in resolution 194, preserve their right of return. Upholding this collective claim means that they have to no access to individual rights and thus suffer from a protection gap that is ever growing.Show less
This paper seeks to understand the determinants and limitations of Egypt’s foreign policy approach towards the Syrian civil war. The chosen theoretical framework seeks to situate Egypt within the...Show moreThis paper seeks to understand the determinants and limitations of Egypt’s foreign policy approach towards the Syrian civil war. The chosen theoretical framework seeks to situate Egypt within the debate on the concept of Middle Powers. While Egypt lacks economic power, it still perceives itself as a Middle Power and acts as such due to its ambitions, and large military capabilities. In the first empirical chapter it is found that Egypt’s historical legacy has embedded the notions of independence, external economic assistance and counter-Islamism in its foreign policy. In the second empirical chapter, the interests of Sisi’s government were identified as matching the historical constants of Egypt’s foreign policy, which also explains his support for Assad. Then, it was found that Egypt’s interests are conflicting with those of its main allies and donors – the United States (US), Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), but are rather convergent with the interests of Russia and China. Therefore, Egypt cannot overly support the Assad regime in Syria as this would potentially lead to a loss of needed financial aid.Show less
Through recent decades, Iran has consistently been faced with economic sanctions by the United States. Due to the hegemony the United States has over international monetary systems, sanctions can...Show moreThrough recent decades, Iran has consistently been faced with economic sanctions by the United States. Due to the hegemony the United States has over international monetary systems, sanctions can be detrimental. This was displayed in 2012 when Iran was sanctioned by The Society for Worldwide Interbank Telecommunication (SWIFT), an interbank messaging platform which can be influenced by the United States. SWIFT is responsible for facilitating $5 trillion USD in settlements daily. As a result, the Iranian economy suffered greatly as they could not facilitate their oil sales with international partners without SWIFT. This thesis seeks to find alternative payment and messaging platforms which may compete with SWIFT and assist in sanctioned countries to avoid the current hegemonic nature of payment and messaging platforms. In finding alternatives, two stand at the forefront of this economic discourse for sanctioned states. One being the Cross-Border Interbank Payment System which was established as a result of the internationalization of the RMB. And the rise of RippleNet, a blockchain based messaging and payment platform which has emerged due to the technological advances in the finance industry. In doing so, the paper analyzes shifts in global finance and its subsequent impact on sanctioned countries.Show less
“The ongoing rise of securitized discourses have completely changed the political landscape of European politics. Especially when dealing with the refugee crisis, the European Union and member...Show more“The ongoing rise of securitized discourses have completely changed the political landscape of European politics. Especially when dealing with the refugee crisis, the European Union and member states have taken a strong stance towards border management and operational security, mainly based on the state security model. This approach has been deemed controversial, especially in the case of the Central Mediterranean Corridor, due to the consequences it has had, and still currently has on the safety of those attempting to cross the sea. Moreover, in order to show the origin and further complications this approach has, the Central Mediterranean Corridor will be analyzed as case study, and the colonial past between Italy and Libya, main destination and transit countries of this corridor, will be investigated. The research carried out in this paper aims to question this approach and to show the fallouts it has on the security of humans. By analyzing stipulated policies and said fallouts, this research will show how the state security model is obsolete when dealing with the refugee crisis, and it will present an alternative framework for migratory policies, embodied in the human security model.”Show less
Over the past decades, migrant labour from South and South East Asia became more and more essential to the Gulf region’s economic development and migrant numbers continue to grow. This paper...Show moreOver the past decades, migrant labour from South and South East Asia became more and more essential to the Gulf region’s economic development and migrant numbers continue to grow. This paper provides an analysis of the political economy of the Gulf states, which aims at moving away from Gulf exceptionalism and oil centrism and instead, placing the Gulf within the global perspective of neoliberal economic development. With this in mind, the paper attempts to explain the increase in labour migrant numbers from Asia to the GCC countries after 1990, and examines these increases in relation to neoliberal economic developments, which occurred during the 1990s and 2000s.Show less
This paper seeks to aid in the accountability process for private military and security companies by providing clarity as to whom these companies should be rendered accountable. The dissertation...Show moreThis paper seeks to aid in the accountability process for private military and security companies by providing clarity as to whom these companies should be rendered accountable. The dissertation makes use of an adapted version of Bovens’ Framework for Accountability, incorporating five different forms of accountability – political, legal, professional, social, and economic. Through the application of this framework onto two case studies of Wagner Group in Syria and Blackwater USA in Iraq, it is evident that the use of limited accountability through only one or two forms of accountability is insufficient. It was found that in order for PMSCs to be rendered accountable to an unbiased independent body as suggested by this author, all forms of accountability should be used simultaneously. This paper further examines reiterating the importance of the oft-neglected social accountability, and how the role of morality at the human and public opinion level can shape the way in which regulatory measures apply. Through these findings, this thesis recommends the implementation of a series of new legislative measures, which utilise a multi-pronged approach incorporating not only legal methods, but social, political, professional, and economic measuresShow less
Since 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of...Show moreSince 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of many states in the region took to the streets in attempting to embark on a process that would democratize their nation. Scholars argue over the exact reasons for the uprisings, however, consensus exists over the fact that it stems from political, economic, and social dissatisfaction. The revolts started in Tunisia and set a chain reaction in motion, eventually reaching the shores of Gulf Cooperation Council, an economic and political union comprising of the Arabian Gulf States of Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates. Although the kingdoms of the Arabian Gulf are rather similar in their socio-economic and political build-up, the GCC witnessed both minor and major uprisings kind of revolt and the respective nations responded in different manners to its domestic uprisings. This BA thesis seeks to create a detailed analysis of the distinct nature of the uprisings that took place within the borders of the GCC. Most GCC members experienced some sort of public unrest one way or another with Bahrain and Oman witnessing persistent violent street protests. After doing preliminary readings, it has become clear that the GCC-states can be divided into three different groups based on the intensity of the riots as well as the governments’ responses to the demands of its citizens. The first group consists of those countries that witnessed enduring riots resulting in the deaths among its citizens, like Bahrain, Oman, and Saudi Arabia. The second group of nations consists of those which experienced minor protests that did not result in any deaths among protestors. The only country fitting into this group is Kuwait. Lastly, the governments of both Qatar and the United Arab Emirates did not have to deal with domestic uprisings, however, there was some unrest, especially through online activism. Specifically, my research will attempt to disclose the plausibilities behind the distinct levels of intensity of the civil uprisings which took place in these structurally similar kingdoms. The presence of the rentier state undoubtedly plays a crucial role in the lives of GCC citizens as well as in the preamble of the uprisings in the GCC, however, the question regarding the rationale behind citizens’ discontent as well as the intensity of governments’ counteractions remains. The research for this BA thesis aims at assessing sources through means of qualitative research by examining reports, news articles, nevertheless focussing on engaging with the academic literature on the topic. By analyzing these sources, I will be able to draw analogies and comprehend the discrepancies which took place during the Arab Spring’s civil uprisings in the GCC. Moreover, my thesis will evaluate GCC member states’ different sorts of uprisings and their dissimilar responses to the revolts within their own physical and symbolic space. Additionally, the paper discloses the GCC’s revolts and respective reactions without delving into the main causes of the Arab Spring. The paper is structured as follows. The first section will introduce the GCC’s socio-political climate, the concept of the rentier state, and its usefulness to describe the rationale behind the discrepancies between the civil uprisings in each different country. The central part of the thesis will discuss the GCC’s the dissimilarity in the civil uprisings’ intensities as well as the unalike approach governments took regarding their citizens’ demands. The final section will reveal the research’s findings and draw several conclusions. In addition to this, a prediction will be made for the future based on the reactions and concessions made by governments at the time of the uprisings and whether this will prove beneficial in the long-term.Show less
Despite the rentier state literature predicts a negative impact of the oil rent on the Middle Eastern monarchies, both Kuwait and Bahrain adopted constitutional experiments in the early twentieth...Show moreDespite the rentier state literature predicts a negative impact of the oil rent on the Middle Eastern monarchies, both Kuwait and Bahrain adopted constitutional experiments in the early twentieth century. Yet, Kuwait and Bahrain’s paths also both diverged. By employing a structured comparison of similar cases with different outcomes, this thesis seeks to explain the different paths pursued by the two monarchies, despite their identical liberalisation attempts. It is argued that the controlled parliamentary transition at the independence was planned by the rulers to secure their rule, while external threats acted as catalysts. While in Bahrain the external actors backed the Al Khalifa authoritarian tendencies, avoiding a parliamentary reinstatement, the Al Sabah repeatedly turned to the National Assembly to appease and balance the opposition. Consequently, a powerful parliament, considered dangerous in Bahrain, became an integral part of the Kuwaiti politics and identity.Show less
