On the 21 st of November 2013, the then Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych announced his decision to suspend signing an association agreement with the European Union. Discontent about the...Show moreOn the 21 st of November 2013, the then Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych announced his decision to suspend signing an association agreement with the European Union. Discontent about the suspension lead to the eruption of protests at Independence square in Kyiv, where demonstrators insisted the president would sign the agreement as planned. When the president and his administration appeared unwilling to concede, protesters increasingly called for his resignation and for early elections. When the president fled the country in February 2014 after four months of protests, the crisis in Ukraine was far from over. The Crimean peninsula got annexed by Russia, and an armed conflict arose in the Donbas region. The events have been widely reported by international media, although in divergent ways. The western narrative characterised the protests as a revolution of dignity that would make an end to Russia’s dominance in the country. The Russian media however, presented it as a fascist coup sponsored by the West that threatened the population of the Russian world (Szostek 2018, 118-119). This paper will analyse articles that were published by RIA Novosti and later transferred to the website of Sputnik news in order to find out what narrative has been communicated to an international audience. The analysis will be done at the hand of examination of the applicability of the protest paradigm on a selection of articles that are linked to the protests. Firstly however, it will be reviewed what has so far been written on a handful of topics that relate to the topic of this paper. The crisis in Ukraine that started as a result of the protests will be introduced, after which the role of soft power in the conflict is demonstrated. Strategic narrative as a form of soft power, and various analyses of Russian narratives in this context will be displayed thereafter. As protests are oftentimes portrayed in a way that marginalises the protests and the protesters, literature that deals with the protest paradigm will be reviewed as well. The reception of strategic narratives by the audience is key to the perceived credibility of narratives and will be thus be considered as well. In order to contextualise the findings of this paper, earlier analysis of Russia Today will exemplify the current knowledge on the narratives on the Ukrainian pro-European protests in English- language Russian media.Show less
The following research was conducted in order to shed some in depth light on how a "Belt and Road Initiative" project can look like in reality. As China consistently portrays the BRI as mutual...Show moreThe following research was conducted in order to shed some in depth light on how a "Belt and Road Initiative" project can look like in reality. As China consistently portrays the BRI as mutual beneficial and a "win-win" situation for all participants, I was keen on verifying this statement and identify if this proclamation matches reality. For this purpose, the “Special Economic Zone” of Khorgos, which is located in Kazakhstan, was chosen. It is a project along the BRI, at the border of Kazakhstan and China. The project itself has not seen much media coverage and hence turned out to be an insightful research project. The general purpose of Khorgos is to boost the amount of traded goods as well as attract investment into the area. The chosen method of research aimed at analyzing speeches given by officials of both countries regarding the BRI as well as Khorgos specifically and from that derive a possible contrast with reality. The result of the research was, that, as the project came only recently into being, it disclosed several negative aspects such as the lack of information, clarity and entry barrier for third parties outside of China and Kazakhstan. Moreover, it turned out that the business advantages prevail heavily on the Chinese side. Khorgos is furthermore not as fruitful as initially anticipated by both parties. Additionally, it is likely that China will remain the main investor in the region and continue to seek to explore new trade corridors. along the BRI, at the border between Kazakhstan and China, which has not seen much coverage and hence turned out to be an insightful research project.Show less
In light of the growth in cyberattacks occurring over the past few years, especially after the devastating effects of NotPetya and WannaCry malwares, this thesis reviews the application of the...Show moreIn light of the growth in cyberattacks occurring over the past few years, especially after the devastating effects of NotPetya and WannaCry malwares, this thesis reviews the application of the securitisation theory to the phenomenon of cyberattacks. It addresses the shortcomings of the theoretical framework proposed by the Copenhagen School of thoughts with regards to this particular security area and suggests an adapted approach, more flexible and contextual. The paper develops its thesis in the context of Russian cyberattacks against the Ukrainian power grid and infrastructures that occurred in recent years.Show less
Alexei Navalny, being one of the most well-known oppositional leaders in Russia, gets a lot of attention from those who praise him and those tho hate him. Looking into various techniques of mass...Show moreAlexei Navalny, being one of the most well-known oppositional leaders in Russia, gets a lot of attention from those who praise him and those tho hate him. Looking into various techniques of mass manipulation and persuasion, this thesis analysed the speech of Alexei Navalny answering the question: does the amount of techniques of mass manipulation used by Alexei Navalny change with the degree of preparation of his speech? Three videos were analysed: first, the investigation about Dmitry Medvedev - an example of scripted speech; the second one - an episode of his weekly YouTube show as an example of semi-prepared speech; finally, Navalny's interview to Yuri Dud was analysed as an example of non-prepared speech. Surprisingly enough, the highest amount of manipulation techniques was found in the second video.Show less
Kazakhstan is indeed known for its considerable Russian minority, and Russian was the language of communication. However, in 2017, the Kazakh president Nazarbayev seemed to lead the country in a...Show moreKazakhstan is indeed known for its considerable Russian minority, and Russian was the language of communication. However, in 2017, the Kazakh president Nazarbayev seemed to lead the country in a different direction as he proposed a script change for the Kazakh language from the Cyrillic to the Latin alphabet. The immediate question that comes to mind is why Kazakhstan that is close to Russia now would want to propose this. This thesis concludes that there are three common reasons found in previous cases of post-Soviet Latinization that are also applicable to the Kazakh case, namely: the development of a national identity and the rejection of a Soviet identity, illteracy, and the desire to modernize and WesternizeShow less
The Crimean Tatar identity has been under a major threat since the Russian annexation of Crimea which took place in 2014. Accounts of human right violations have been reported on several occasions....Show moreThe Crimean Tatar identity has been under a major threat since the Russian annexation of Crimea which took place in 2014. Accounts of human right violations have been reported on several occasions. This thesis looks at Crimean Tatar resistance and opposition in response to pro-Russian discrimination and oppression. This is done by firstly examining key historical periods of Crimean Tatar activism and political movements in relation to their history of discrimination by the Russians. Theories on the construction of identities in ethnic minorities are then linked to the current state of Crimean activism. This thesis finds that Crimean Tatar unity in activism is shaped by a shared history of repression which corresponds to the concept of cultural politics. The Crimean Homeland has also played an important role in forging the Crimean Tatar identity and has contributed to solidifying Crimean Tatar resistance.Show less
After the collapse of the Soviet Union the western world had high hopes for the development of civil society in the newly independent states. A vast variety of western NGOs began to emerge. However...Show moreAfter the collapse of the Soviet Union the western world had high hopes for the development of civil society in the newly independent states. A vast variety of western NGOs began to emerge. However, seeing as a variety of former Soviet states have developed into increasingly autocratic states, the development of civil society in general, and in particular the effectiveness of western-funded NGOs has been criticised. However, scholars such as Fröhlich have put forward patterns as to when western funded NGOs can act effectively on the ground. This paper examines the effectiveness of the multinational environmental NGO WWF in Russia. It argues that the Russian government is willing to cooperate with internationally funded NGOs, as long as their programmes do not threaten the status quo of the governmental structures and political system in place.Show less
As a result of Russia's conduct in the Kosovo crisis, Russian foreign policy has changed. Russia's involvement in the crisis showed the flaws of its foreign policy conduct of the nineties. After...Show moreAs a result of Russia's conduct in the Kosovo crisis, Russian foreign policy has changed. Russia's involvement in the crisis showed the flaws of its foreign policy conduct of the nineties. After the Kosovo crisis, a new foreign policy line came into being, which aimed to strengthen the Russian state, to avoid the kind of failure Russia experienced in the Kosovo crisis.Show less
This study analyses the possibility of Levyi Front being the 'savior of the Russian left'. This is done by comparing Levyi Front to the six main characteristics that define successful opposition in...Show moreThis study analyses the possibility of Levyi Front being the 'savior of the Russian left'. This is done by comparing Levyi Front to the six main characteristics that define successful opposition in autocratic regimes as defined by Alfred Stepan. We will argue that although they do adhere to most of these characteristics, it is mostly a potential 'savior', but might not be able to force actual change in the modern Russian political arena.Show less
