On the 21 st of November 2013, the then Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych announced his decision to suspend signing an association agreement with the European Union. Discontent about the...Show moreOn the 21 st of November 2013, the then Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych announced his decision to suspend signing an association agreement with the European Union. Discontent about the suspension lead to the eruption of protests at Independence square in Kyiv, where demonstrators insisted the president would sign the agreement as planned. When the president and his administration appeared unwilling to concede, protesters increasingly called for his resignation and for early elections. When the president fled the country in February 2014 after four months of protests, the crisis in Ukraine was far from over. The Crimean peninsula got annexed by Russia, and an armed conflict arose in the Donbas region. The events have been widely reported by international media, although in divergent ways. The western narrative characterised the protests as a revolution of dignity that would make an end to Russia’s dominance in the country. The Russian media however, presented it as a fascist coup sponsored by the West that threatened the population of the Russian world (Szostek 2018, 118-119). This paper will analyse articles that were published by RIA Novosti and later transferred to the website of Sputnik news in order to find out what narrative has been communicated to an international audience. The analysis will be done at the hand of examination of the applicability of the protest paradigm on a selection of articles that are linked to the protests. Firstly however, it will be reviewed what has so far been written on a handful of topics that relate to the topic of this paper. The crisis in Ukraine that started as a result of the protests will be introduced, after which the role of soft power in the conflict is demonstrated. Strategic narrative as a form of soft power, and various analyses of Russian narratives in this context will be displayed thereafter. As protests are oftentimes portrayed in a way that marginalises the protests and the protesters, literature that deals with the protest paradigm will be reviewed as well. The reception of strategic narratives by the audience is key to the perceived credibility of narratives and will be thus be considered as well. In order to contextualise the findings of this paper, earlier analysis of Russia Today will exemplify the current knowledge on the narratives on the Ukrainian pro-European protests in English- language Russian media.Show less
This research examines whether Russia would rather conduct an offensive or a defensive military action in the Baltic states. In order to examine this, the research employs a combined AHP-SWOT...Show moreThis research examines whether Russia would rather conduct an offensive or a defensive military action in the Baltic states. In order to examine this, the research employs a combined AHP-SWOT analysis. This analysis examines Russia's military capabilities, the operational environment in the Baltic states and the combination of the two.Show less
The following research was conducted in order to shed some in depth light on how a "Belt and Road Initiative" project can look like in reality. As China consistently portrays the BRI as mutual...Show moreThe following research was conducted in order to shed some in depth light on how a "Belt and Road Initiative" project can look like in reality. As China consistently portrays the BRI as mutual beneficial and a "win-win" situation for all participants, I was keen on verifying this statement and identify if this proclamation matches reality. For this purpose, the “Special Economic Zone” of Khorgos, which is located in Kazakhstan, was chosen. It is a project along the BRI, at the border of Kazakhstan and China. The project itself has not seen much media coverage and hence turned out to be an insightful research project. The general purpose of Khorgos is to boost the amount of traded goods as well as attract investment into the area. The chosen method of research aimed at analyzing speeches given by officials of both countries regarding the BRI as well as Khorgos specifically and from that derive a possible contrast with reality. The result of the research was, that, as the project came only recently into being, it disclosed several negative aspects such as the lack of information, clarity and entry barrier for third parties outside of China and Kazakhstan. Moreover, it turned out that the business advantages prevail heavily on the Chinese side. Khorgos is furthermore not as fruitful as initially anticipated by both parties. Additionally, it is likely that China will remain the main investor in the region and continue to seek to explore new trade corridors. along the BRI, at the border between Kazakhstan and China, which has not seen much coverage and hence turned out to be an insightful research project.Show less
This thesis set out to determine the way in which the state-controlled media of the separatist-held territory of Donetsk in Eastern Ukraine have framed the separatist narrative. This is done...Show moreThis thesis set out to determine the way in which the state-controlled media of the separatist-held territory of Donetsk in Eastern Ukraine have framed the separatist narrative. This is done through a framing analysis of a selection of articles that were chosen and sampled according four different time-frames over the years 2017 and 2018. These periods correspond to events that led to heightened tensions in the conflict between Ukraine and DPR, namely: ‘the battle of Avdiivka’, ‘the economic blockade’, ‘the death of Zakharchenko’ and the ‘Kerch Strait incident’. Six frames were inductively reconstructed and grouped into three categories according to their relation with Ukraine, DPR and Russia. With regards to Ukraine the following frames were found: Ukraine as an aggressor’; ‘Ukraine as a disruptor’; ‘weakness and incompetence of Ukraine’. Frames related to DPR consisted in ‘legitimacy of DPR’ and ‘DPR citizens as victims’. Lastly, the frame that emerged in relation with Russia was ‘Russia as a mediator’. The findings of this study suggest state-controlled DNR-News has framed the separatist narrative with the help of two dominant approaches. One that is inclusive of Russia by representing it as an actor primarily responsible for ensuring DPR’s continuous existence and the success of its separatist ambitions. In a different approach, DPR’s independence is marked as a significant goal even though Russia has not yet recognised its independence and it does so by claiming the right to self-determination. There is thus an attempt at finding a right balance between the two and in turn, render the fight for the separatist cause more plausible.Show less
In light of the growth in cyberattacks occurring over the past few years, especially after the devastating effects of NotPetya and WannaCry malwares, this thesis reviews the application of the...Show moreIn light of the growth in cyberattacks occurring over the past few years, especially after the devastating effects of NotPetya and WannaCry malwares, this thesis reviews the application of the securitisation theory to the phenomenon of cyberattacks. It addresses the shortcomings of the theoretical framework proposed by the Copenhagen School of thoughts with regards to this particular security area and suggests an adapted approach, more flexible and contextual. The paper develops its thesis in the context of Russian cyberattacks against the Ukrainian power grid and infrastructures that occurred in recent years.Show less
Alexei Navalny, being one of the most well-known oppositional leaders in Russia, gets a lot of attention from those who praise him and those tho hate him. Looking into various techniques of mass...Show moreAlexei Navalny, being one of the most well-known oppositional leaders in Russia, gets a lot of attention from those who praise him and those tho hate him. Looking into various techniques of mass manipulation and persuasion, this thesis analysed the speech of Alexei Navalny answering the question: does the amount of techniques of mass manipulation used by Alexei Navalny change with the degree of preparation of his speech? Three videos were analysed: first, the investigation about Dmitry Medvedev - an example of scripted speech; the second one - an episode of his weekly YouTube show as an example of semi-prepared speech; finally, Navalny's interview to Yuri Dud was analysed as an example of non-prepared speech. Surprisingly enough, the highest amount of manipulation techniques was found in the second video.Show less
This thesis is focused on the troublesome relationship between Russia and the Council of Europe. Confrontations between Russia and Council of Europe institutions occurred throughout the years and...Show moreThis thesis is focused on the troublesome relationship between Russia and the Council of Europe. Confrontations between Russia and Council of Europe institutions occurred throughout the years and the troublesome relationship is currently shown by the PACE decision to strip Russia of its voting rights and Russia’s decision to stop its annual payments to the organisation. To research Russia’s behaviour within this organisation, I tested the official Russian discourse about the organisation and interviewed people working on a daily basis with the Council of Europe. This research found that in the years leading up to 2014, Russian officials mixed positive and negative statements about the organisation. Sometimes the organisation was described as a platform for Pan-European organisation, whereas in other occasions the organisation was labelled politicised and anti-Russian. Since Russia lost its voting rights in the PACE in 2014, the official discourse changed towards a confrontational strategy and almost all statements were critical about the Council of Europe and Russia regularly threatened to leave. This finding was endorsed by the interviewees who argued that a possible Russian exit would heavily damage the organisation and the protection of human rights in Russia.Show less
Kazakhstan is indeed known for its considerable Russian minority, and Russian was the language of communication. However, in 2017, the Kazakh president Nazarbayev seemed to lead the country in a...Show moreKazakhstan is indeed known for its considerable Russian minority, and Russian was the language of communication. However, in 2017, the Kazakh president Nazarbayev seemed to lead the country in a different direction as he proposed a script change for the Kazakh language from the Cyrillic to the Latin alphabet. The immediate question that comes to mind is why Kazakhstan that is close to Russia now would want to propose this. This thesis concludes that there are three common reasons found in previous cases of post-Soviet Latinization that are also applicable to the Kazakh case, namely: the development of a national identity and the rejection of a Soviet identity, illteracy, and the desire to modernize and WesternizeShow less
The Crimean Tatar identity has been under a major threat since the Russian annexation of Crimea which took place in 2014. Accounts of human right violations have been reported on several occasions....Show moreThe Crimean Tatar identity has been under a major threat since the Russian annexation of Crimea which took place in 2014. Accounts of human right violations have been reported on several occasions. This thesis looks at Crimean Tatar resistance and opposition in response to pro-Russian discrimination and oppression. This is done by firstly examining key historical periods of Crimean Tatar activism and political movements in relation to their history of discrimination by the Russians. Theories on the construction of identities in ethnic minorities are then linked to the current state of Crimean activism. This thesis finds that Crimean Tatar unity in activism is shaped by a shared history of repression which corresponds to the concept of cultural politics. The Crimean Homeland has also played an important role in forging the Crimean Tatar identity and has contributed to solidifying Crimean Tatar resistance.Show less
This study sets out to examine whether civil society organisations (CSOs) have become more integrated into the Ukrainian public policy-making process since the Euromaidan in 2014 and whether the...Show moreThis study sets out to examine whether civil society organisations (CSOs) have become more integrated into the Ukrainian public policy-making process since the Euromaidan in 2014 and whether the Revolution has led to a meaningful shift towards a more inclusive style of governance. Through a focus on the anti-corruption policy field as a case study, the argument which will be advanced is that the 2014 Euromaidan did lead to a qualitative opening of the political system and the policy-making process in stark contrast to the authoritarian and exclusionist nature of the former Yanukovych regime. The post-2014 period has therefore seen considerable involvement of CSO representatives in public policy-making and a sustained formal commitment to dialogue on the part of many representatives of the authorities. More recently, however, a trend towards de facto marginalisation of CSO representatives and the closing of previously productive channels for cooperation suggest a moderate reversal of initial positive tendencies and raise questions about the extent to which the positive developments of 2014 and 2015 can be treated unambiguously as a sign of a large-scale and sustainable shift towards participatory governance.Show less
This thesis provides an insight in the Belarusian foreign policy response to the self-proclaimed independence of Abkhazia. The conclusion of the research question: "how has Belarusian foreign...Show moreThis thesis provides an insight in the Belarusian foreign policy response to the self-proclaimed independence of Abkhazia. The conclusion of the research question: "how has Belarusian foreign policy responded to the case of Abkhazia’s self-proclaimed independence?" is that the response can be divided into three time periods of ignoring, partially recognizing and opposing Abkhazia. The main causes identified for the way Belarus responded can be found in the EU - Russia conflict rather than the Abkhazian case individually.Show less
Examining human rights organisations in the period between 2006-2016 and in three key spheres: legislation, civic culture and funding. It concludes that it is becoming increasingly difficult for...Show moreExamining human rights organisations in the period between 2006-2016 and in three key spheres: legislation, civic culture and funding. It concludes that it is becoming increasingly difficult for independent human rights organisations to work in Russia and that this is unlikely to improve in the future unless significant legislative changes are made.Show less
As a result of Russia's conduct in the Kosovo crisis, Russian foreign policy has changed. Russia's involvement in the crisis showed the flaws of its foreign policy conduct of the nineties. After...Show moreAs a result of Russia's conduct in the Kosovo crisis, Russian foreign policy has changed. Russia's involvement in the crisis showed the flaws of its foreign policy conduct of the nineties. After the Kosovo crisis, a new foreign policy line came into being, which aimed to strengthen the Russian state, to avoid the kind of failure Russia experienced in the Kosovo crisis.Show less
This thesis seeks to analyse the official discourse by Tajikistan and Uzbekistan on the Rogun Dam issue with a constructivist approach in order to find out whether the discourse invokes conflict...Show moreThis thesis seeks to analyse the official discourse by Tajikistan and Uzbekistan on the Rogun Dam issue with a constructivist approach in order to find out whether the discourse invokes conflict rhetoric. It analyses official statements from 2012 to 2015. The Rogun Dam project is a hydropower project that was developed during Soviet times, but its construction was halted when the Soviet Union collapsed. Recently, the Tajik government announced its desire to resume the construction of the Rogun Dam in order to generate hydropower for economic purposes. Uzbekistan, as a riparian of the water flowing from Tajikistan, fiercely objected the construction plans. Therefore, the World Bank was asked to undertake feasibility studies on the hydropower project. As the feasibility studies proceeded, Uzbekistan appeared to seek different ways to oppose the construction of the Rogun Dam. In 2012, both Tajikistan and Uzbekistan appeared to be offensive towards each other in their official statements when mentioning the Rogun Dam. Over the course of time researched, tones towards each other softened. Both countries were also able to improve their bilateral relations on other issues than the Rogun Dam at the end of the period researched. Therefore, this thesis concludes that the official discourse on the Rogun Dam by Tajikistan and Uzbekistan does not invoke conflict rhetoric.Show less
