On the 21 st of November 2013, the then Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych announced his decision to suspend signing an association agreement with the European Union. Discontent about the...Show moreOn the 21 st of November 2013, the then Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych announced his decision to suspend signing an association agreement with the European Union. Discontent about the suspension lead to the eruption of protests at Independence square in Kyiv, where demonstrators insisted the president would sign the agreement as planned. When the president and his administration appeared unwilling to concede, protesters increasingly called for his resignation and for early elections. When the president fled the country in February 2014 after four months of protests, the crisis in Ukraine was far from over. The Crimean peninsula got annexed by Russia, and an armed conflict arose in the Donbas region. The events have been widely reported by international media, although in divergent ways. The western narrative characterised the protests as a revolution of dignity that would make an end to Russia’s dominance in the country. The Russian media however, presented it as a fascist coup sponsored by the West that threatened the population of the Russian world (Szostek 2018, 118-119). This paper will analyse articles that were published by RIA Novosti and later transferred to the website of Sputnik news in order to find out what narrative has been communicated to an international audience. The analysis will be done at the hand of examination of the applicability of the protest paradigm on a selection of articles that are linked to the protests. Firstly however, it will be reviewed what has so far been written on a handful of topics that relate to the topic of this paper. The crisis in Ukraine that started as a result of the protests will be introduced, after which the role of soft power in the conflict is demonstrated. Strategic narrative as a form of soft power, and various analyses of Russian narratives in this context will be displayed thereafter. As protests are oftentimes portrayed in a way that marginalises the protests and the protesters, literature that deals with the protest paradigm will be reviewed as well. The reception of strategic narratives by the audience is key to the perceived credibility of narratives and will be thus be considered as well. In order to contextualise the findings of this paper, earlier analysis of Russia Today will exemplify the current knowledge on the narratives on the Ukrainian pro-European protests in English- language Russian media.Show less
This research examines whether Russia would rather conduct an offensive or a defensive military action in the Baltic states. In order to examine this, the research employs a combined AHP-SWOT...Show moreThis research examines whether Russia would rather conduct an offensive or a defensive military action in the Baltic states. In order to examine this, the research employs a combined AHP-SWOT analysis. This analysis examines Russia's military capabilities, the operational environment in the Baltic states and the combination of the two.Show less
The following research was conducted in order to shed some in depth light on how a "Belt and Road Initiative" project can look like in reality. As China consistently portrays the BRI as mutual...Show moreThe following research was conducted in order to shed some in depth light on how a "Belt and Road Initiative" project can look like in reality. As China consistently portrays the BRI as mutual beneficial and a "win-win" situation for all participants, I was keen on verifying this statement and identify if this proclamation matches reality. For this purpose, the “Special Economic Zone” of Khorgos, which is located in Kazakhstan, was chosen. It is a project along the BRI, at the border of Kazakhstan and China. The project itself has not seen much media coverage and hence turned out to be an insightful research project. The general purpose of Khorgos is to boost the amount of traded goods as well as attract investment into the area. The chosen method of research aimed at analyzing speeches given by officials of both countries regarding the BRI as well as Khorgos specifically and from that derive a possible contrast with reality. The result of the research was, that, as the project came only recently into being, it disclosed several negative aspects such as the lack of information, clarity and entry barrier for third parties outside of China and Kazakhstan. Moreover, it turned out that the business advantages prevail heavily on the Chinese side. Khorgos is furthermore not as fruitful as initially anticipated by both parties. Additionally, it is likely that China will remain the main investor in the region and continue to seek to explore new trade corridors. along the BRI, at the border between Kazakhstan and China, which has not seen much coverage and hence turned out to be an insightful research project.Show less
The Crimean Tatar identity has been under a major threat since the Russian annexation of Crimea which took place in 2014. Accounts of human right violations have been reported on several occasions....Show moreThe Crimean Tatar identity has been under a major threat since the Russian annexation of Crimea which took place in 2014. Accounts of human right violations have been reported on several occasions. This thesis looks at Crimean Tatar resistance and opposition in response to pro-Russian discrimination and oppression. This is done by firstly examining key historical periods of Crimean Tatar activism and political movements in relation to their history of discrimination by the Russians. Theories on the construction of identities in ethnic minorities are then linked to the current state of Crimean activism. This thesis finds that Crimean Tatar unity in activism is shaped by a shared history of repression which corresponds to the concept of cultural politics. The Crimean Homeland has also played an important role in forging the Crimean Tatar identity and has contributed to solidifying Crimean Tatar resistance.Show less
This study sets out to examine whether civil society organisations (CSOs) have become more integrated into the Ukrainian public policy-making process since the Euromaidan in 2014 and whether the...Show moreThis study sets out to examine whether civil society organisations (CSOs) have become more integrated into the Ukrainian public policy-making process since the Euromaidan in 2014 and whether the Revolution has led to a meaningful shift towards a more inclusive style of governance. Through a focus on the anti-corruption policy field as a case study, the argument which will be advanced is that the 2014 Euromaidan did lead to a qualitative opening of the political system and the policy-making process in stark contrast to the authoritarian and exclusionist nature of the former Yanukovych regime. The post-2014 period has therefore seen considerable involvement of CSO representatives in public policy-making and a sustained formal commitment to dialogue on the part of many representatives of the authorities. More recently, however, a trend towards de facto marginalisation of CSO representatives and the closing of previously productive channels for cooperation suggest a moderate reversal of initial positive tendencies and raise questions about the extent to which the positive developments of 2014 and 2015 can be treated unambiguously as a sign of a large-scale and sustainable shift towards participatory governance.Show less
This thesis provides an insight in the Belarusian foreign policy response to the self-proclaimed independence of Abkhazia. The conclusion of the research question: "how has Belarusian foreign...Show moreThis thesis provides an insight in the Belarusian foreign policy response to the self-proclaimed independence of Abkhazia. The conclusion of the research question: "how has Belarusian foreign policy responded to the case of Abkhazia’s self-proclaimed independence?" is that the response can be divided into three time periods of ignoring, partially recognizing and opposing Abkhazia. The main causes identified for the way Belarus responded can be found in the EU - Russia conflict rather than the Abkhazian case individually.Show less
This thesis looked at the importance of oil in the economic performance of Belarus. In particular, it assessed how the Belarus, a country with no significant oil resources within its borders,...Show moreThis thesis looked at the importance of oil in the economic performance of Belarus. In particular, it assessed how the Belarus, a country with no significant oil resources within its borders, turned into a de-facto oil dependent economy.Show less
The Dutch and Russian governments are not clear on what the deterioration in relations since 2014 means and how the relations changed. This study examines how relations have developed over the...Show moreThe Dutch and Russian governments are not clear on what the deterioration in relations since 2014 means and how the relations changed. This study examines how relations have developed over the period 2013-2015, as reflected in both the phraseology used and topics discussed in the published communiqués. It gives a detailed account of the developments in relations, looking at separate topics and the general trend in relations. In order to analyse the separate issues and the general trend, each communiqué and its issues are analysed and are allocated a value. The values range from ‘-2’ (very negative) to ‘+2’ (very positive). The value assesses how both countries talk about each other. It is assessed as being ‘positive’ when it contributes to building a constructive partnership and ‘negative’ when it damages such a partnership. The study concludes that the different issues of the Russian-Dutch relations developed separately from each other, but the general trend was that the statements on each other deteriorated after Crimea’s incorporation and the downing of MH17. These two events resulted in more negative communications on each other, because the Netherlands increasingly saw Russia as a threat to the EU’s neighbourhood and its own security, and therefore the focus returned to the primary national interest to ensure the safety of the state and its citizens.Show less
This thesis approaches the founding fathers of the Eurasian Economic Union (EaEU) through liberal intergovernmentalism, a theory of regional integration originally used to analyse European...Show moreThis thesis approaches the founding fathers of the Eurasian Economic Union (EaEU) through liberal intergovernmentalism, a theory of regional integration originally used to analyse European integration. The aim of this thesis is to show how this theory can help answering the question as to why the founding members of the EaEU chose to establish this union. This thesis focuses on the national preferences of the three founding members, as well as their effectiveness during interstate bargaining negotiations. By doing so, this thesis adds its own conclusions to the ongoing discussion regarding the nature of the EaEU.Show less
An examination of siloviki representation in key positions of power during Putin's third presidential term compared to his earlier terms in order to ultimately challenge the alleged link with...Show moreAn examination of siloviki representation in key positions of power during Putin's third presidential term compared to his earlier terms in order to ultimately challenge the alleged link with increased authoritarianism since the 2011/2012 protests.Show less
After the collapse of the Soviet Union the western world had high hopes for the development of civil society in the newly independent states. A vast variety of western NGOs began to emerge. However...Show moreAfter the collapse of the Soviet Union the western world had high hopes for the development of civil society in the newly independent states. A vast variety of western NGOs began to emerge. However, seeing as a variety of former Soviet states have developed into increasingly autocratic states, the development of civil society in general, and in particular the effectiveness of western-funded NGOs has been criticised. However, scholars such as Fröhlich have put forward patterns as to when western funded NGOs can act effectively on the ground. This paper examines the effectiveness of the multinational environmental NGO WWF in Russia. It argues that the Russian government is willing to cooperate with internationally funded NGOs, as long as their programmes do not threaten the status quo of the governmental structures and political system in place.Show less
