Alexei Navalny, being one of the most well-known oppositional leaders in Russia, gets a lot of attention from those who praise him and those tho hate him. Looking into various techniques of mass...Show moreAlexei Navalny, being one of the most well-known oppositional leaders in Russia, gets a lot of attention from those who praise him and those tho hate him. Looking into various techniques of mass manipulation and persuasion, this thesis analysed the speech of Alexei Navalny answering the question: does the amount of techniques of mass manipulation used by Alexei Navalny change with the degree of preparation of his speech? Three videos were analysed: first, the investigation about Dmitry Medvedev - an example of scripted speech; the second one - an episode of his weekly YouTube show as an example of semi-prepared speech; finally, Navalny's interview to Yuri Dud was analysed as an example of non-prepared speech. Surprisingly enough, the highest amount of manipulation techniques was found in the second video.Show less
This thesis set out to determine the way in which the state-controlled media of the separatist-held territory of Donetsk in Eastern Ukraine have framed the separatist narrative. This is done...Show moreThis thesis set out to determine the way in which the state-controlled media of the separatist-held territory of Donetsk in Eastern Ukraine have framed the separatist narrative. This is done through a framing analysis of a selection of articles that were chosen and sampled according four different time-frames over the years 2017 and 2018. These periods correspond to events that led to heightened tensions in the conflict between Ukraine and DPR, namely: ‘the battle of Avdiivka’, ‘the economic blockade’, ‘the death of Zakharchenko’ and the ‘Kerch Strait incident’. Six frames were inductively reconstructed and grouped into three categories according to their relation with Ukraine, DPR and Russia. With regards to Ukraine the following frames were found: Ukraine as an aggressor’; ‘Ukraine as a disruptor’; ‘weakness and incompetence of Ukraine’. Frames related to DPR consisted in ‘legitimacy of DPR’ and ‘DPR citizens as victims’. Lastly, the frame that emerged in relation with Russia was ‘Russia as a mediator’. The findings of this study suggest state-controlled DNR-News has framed the separatist narrative with the help of two dominant approaches. One that is inclusive of Russia by representing it as an actor primarily responsible for ensuring DPR’s continuous existence and the success of its separatist ambitions. In a different approach, DPR’s independence is marked as a significant goal even though Russia has not yet recognised its independence and it does so by claiming the right to self-determination. There is thus an attempt at finding a right balance between the two and in turn, render the fight for the separatist cause more plausible.Show less
The Crimean Tatar identity has been under a major threat since the Russian annexation of Crimea which took place in 2014. Accounts of human right violations have been reported on several occasions....Show moreThe Crimean Tatar identity has been under a major threat since the Russian annexation of Crimea which took place in 2014. Accounts of human right violations have been reported on several occasions. This thesis looks at Crimean Tatar resistance and opposition in response to pro-Russian discrimination and oppression. This is done by firstly examining key historical periods of Crimean Tatar activism and political movements in relation to their history of discrimination by the Russians. Theories on the construction of identities in ethnic minorities are then linked to the current state of Crimean activism. This thesis finds that Crimean Tatar unity in activism is shaped by a shared history of repression which corresponds to the concept of cultural politics. The Crimean Homeland has also played an important role in forging the Crimean Tatar identity and has contributed to solidifying Crimean Tatar resistance.Show less
On the 21 st of November 2013, the then Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych announced his decision to suspend signing an association agreement with the European Union. Discontent about the...Show moreOn the 21 st of November 2013, the then Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych announced his decision to suspend signing an association agreement with the European Union. Discontent about the suspension lead to the eruption of protests at Independence square in Kyiv, where demonstrators insisted the president would sign the agreement as planned. When the president and his administration appeared unwilling to concede, protesters increasingly called for his resignation and for early elections. When the president fled the country in February 2014 after four months of protests, the crisis in Ukraine was far from over. The Crimean peninsula got annexed by Russia, and an armed conflict arose in the Donbas region. The events have been widely reported by international media, although in divergent ways. The western narrative characterised the protests as a revolution of dignity that would make an end to Russia’s dominance in the country. The Russian media however, presented it as a fascist coup sponsored by the West that threatened the population of the Russian world (Szostek 2018, 118-119). This paper will analyse articles that were published by RIA Novosti and later transferred to the website of Sputnik news in order to find out what narrative has been communicated to an international audience. The analysis will be done at the hand of examination of the applicability of the protest paradigm on a selection of articles that are linked to the protests. Firstly however, it will be reviewed what has so far been written on a handful of topics that relate to the topic of this paper. The crisis in Ukraine that started as a result of the protests will be introduced, after which the role of soft power in the conflict is demonstrated. Strategic narrative as a form of soft power, and various analyses of Russian narratives in this context will be displayed thereafter. As protests are oftentimes portrayed in a way that marginalises the protests and the protesters, literature that deals with the protest paradigm will be reviewed as well. The reception of strategic narratives by the audience is key to the perceived credibility of narratives and will be thus be considered as well. In order to contextualise the findings of this paper, earlier analysis of Russia Today will exemplify the current knowledge on the narratives on the Ukrainian pro-European protests in English- language Russian media.Show less
An examination of siloviki representation in key positions of power during Putin's third presidential term compared to his earlier terms in order to ultimately challenge the alleged link with...Show moreAn examination of siloviki representation in key positions of power during Putin's third presidential term compared to his earlier terms in order to ultimately challenge the alleged link with increased authoritarianism since the 2011/2012 protests.Show less
The Dutch and Russian governments are not clear on what the deterioration in relations since 2014 means and how the relations changed. This study examines how relations have developed over the...Show moreThe Dutch and Russian governments are not clear on what the deterioration in relations since 2014 means and how the relations changed. This study examines how relations have developed over the period 2013-2015, as reflected in both the phraseology used and topics discussed in the published communiqués. It gives a detailed account of the developments in relations, looking at separate topics and the general trend in relations. In order to analyse the separate issues and the general trend, each communiqué and its issues are analysed and are allocated a value. The values range from ‘-2’ (very negative) to ‘+2’ (very positive). The value assesses how both countries talk about each other. It is assessed as being ‘positive’ when it contributes to building a constructive partnership and ‘negative’ when it damages such a partnership. The study concludes that the different issues of the Russian-Dutch relations developed separately from each other, but the general trend was that the statements on each other deteriorated after Crimea’s incorporation and the downing of MH17. These two events resulted in more negative communications on each other, because the Netherlands increasingly saw Russia as a threat to the EU’s neighbourhood and its own security, and therefore the focus returned to the primary national interest to ensure the safety of the state and its citizens.Show less
After the collapse of the Soviet Union the western world had high hopes for the development of civil society in the newly independent states. A vast variety of western NGOs began to emerge. However...Show moreAfter the collapse of the Soviet Union the western world had high hopes for the development of civil society in the newly independent states. A vast variety of western NGOs began to emerge. However, seeing as a variety of former Soviet states have developed into increasingly autocratic states, the development of civil society in general, and in particular the effectiveness of western-funded NGOs has been criticised. However, scholars such as Fröhlich have put forward patterns as to when western funded NGOs can act effectively on the ground. This paper examines the effectiveness of the multinational environmental NGO WWF in Russia. It argues that the Russian government is willing to cooperate with internationally funded NGOs, as long as their programmes do not threaten the status quo of the governmental structures and political system in place.Show less
The Russian Federation is subject to a high degree of terrorist activity because the instability of the North Caucasus region makes it a breeding ground for terrorism. The main contemporary threat...Show moreThe Russian Federation is subject to a high degree of terrorist activity because the instability of the North Caucasus region makes it a breeding ground for terrorism. The main contemporary threat to the Russian Federation is terrorism linked to the North Caucasus. This thesis is based on Russian counter-terrorism policy in relation to public perceptions of the September 2004 tragedy of Beslan (North Ossetia). In September 2004, a school in Beslan was seized for three days by North Caucasian terrorists which resulted in a massacre with an extremely high number of hostages (1300), fatalities (372) and injuries (747). The Beslan tragedy is considered to be the Russian 9/11 and could, due to its magnitude and impact, theoretically be a turning point in counter-terrorism policy and public perceptions in the Russian Federation. However, the Beslan event has not been a significant turning point in Russian counter-terrorism legislation and laws, despite certain changes and amendments. Furthermore, despite relatively small reforms in the security services, these reforms have been considered to be primarily cosmetic and have not yielded significant results. Also, the perceptions of terrorism and the government’s efforts to combat terrorism among Russian citizens have not improved since Beslan. The rhetoric by the media and government seems to focus primarily on the ostensible success of its counter-terrorism approach. However, despite the qualification of Beslan as the Russian 9/11 and the changes in policy following the event, terrorist activity remains a serious part of daily life within the Russian Federation and any potential improvements in the near future are considered to be unlikely. Keywords: Russia, North Caucasus, Beslan, Terrorism, Counter-terrorismShow less
The question of Russian national identity has become quite significant again after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Especially after Vladimir Putin came to power and the country regained its...Show moreThe question of Russian national identity has become quite significant again after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Especially after Vladimir Putin came to power and the country regained its political and military strength, the Russian state embarked on the (sometimes ambiguous) road of nation-building. Scholars of nationalism and Russian national identity have tried to analyze this ‘Russian Question’, whereby most concluded that there is not a coherent Russian national identity. In this sense, it is useful to look at national identity in some of Russia’s specific regions. This thesis analyzes this process in the case of Russia’s most-western region, Kaliningrad. This so-called exclave has only been part of Russian since the Second World War and due to its German history and geographical distance from homeland Russia, it occupies a special position inside the country. In the process of nation-building by the Russian state, officials cannot solely use ‘common’ Russian markers of identity but also have to take Kaliningrad’s ‘particular’ circumstances into account. This thesis therefore argues that the Russian nation-building process in Kaliningrad lies ‘between commonality and particularity’. It will analyze this two-sidedness through the symbolic, military and anti-Western dimensions of nation-building in Kaliningrad; the speeches and statements of Russian officials in this light are used as the main points of analysis.Show less
This thesis looked at the importance of oil in the economic performance of Belarus. In particular, it assessed how the Belarus, a country with no significant oil resources within its borders,...Show moreThis thesis looked at the importance of oil in the economic performance of Belarus. In particular, it assessed how the Belarus, a country with no significant oil resources within its borders, turned into a de-facto oil dependent economy.Show less
Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Central Asia has seen less conflict than initially expected. One of the anticipated sources of conflict has been the uneven distribution of natural...Show moreSince the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Central Asia has seen less conflict than initially expected. One of the anticipated sources of conflict has been the uneven distribution of natural resources between the five states. The theory of the relationship between resource abundance and scarcity and conflict are examined here and applied to the distribution of hydrocarbon and water resources in the region. Though especially water has become a serious issue in the region, it is concluded that it is as yet not acute enough to spark interstate conflict and dependence management policies that might spark internal conflict is largely not followed. However, should the situation continue to worsen or be compounded with other causes for conflict, this status quo may change.Show less
This thesis seeks to analyse the official discourse by Tajikistan and Uzbekistan on the Rogun Dam issue with a constructivist approach in order to find out whether the discourse invokes conflict...Show moreThis thesis seeks to analyse the official discourse by Tajikistan and Uzbekistan on the Rogun Dam issue with a constructivist approach in order to find out whether the discourse invokes conflict rhetoric. It analyses official statements from 2012 to 2015. The Rogun Dam project is a hydropower project that was developed during Soviet times, but its construction was halted when the Soviet Union collapsed. Recently, the Tajik government announced its desire to resume the construction of the Rogun Dam in order to generate hydropower for economic purposes. Uzbekistan, as a riparian of the water flowing from Tajikistan, fiercely objected the construction plans. Therefore, the World Bank was asked to undertake feasibility studies on the hydropower project. As the feasibility studies proceeded, Uzbekistan appeared to seek different ways to oppose the construction of the Rogun Dam. In 2012, both Tajikistan and Uzbekistan appeared to be offensive towards each other in their official statements when mentioning the Rogun Dam. Over the course of time researched, tones towards each other softened. Both countries were also able to improve their bilateral relations on other issues than the Rogun Dam at the end of the period researched. Therefore, this thesis concludes that the official discourse on the Rogun Dam by Tajikistan and Uzbekistan does not invoke conflict rhetoric.Show less
In light of the growth in cyberattacks occurring over the past few years, especially after the devastating effects of NotPetya and WannaCry malwares, this thesis reviews the application of the...Show moreIn light of the growth in cyberattacks occurring over the past few years, especially after the devastating effects of NotPetya and WannaCry malwares, this thesis reviews the application of the securitisation theory to the phenomenon of cyberattacks. It addresses the shortcomings of the theoretical framework proposed by the Copenhagen School of thoughts with regards to this particular security area and suggests an adapted approach, more flexible and contextual. The paper develops its thesis in the context of Russian cyberattacks against the Ukrainian power grid and infrastructures that occurred in recent years.Show less
