After more than 400 years of European imperial powers influencing the region of Mozambique and exploiting its population and a 10 years independence war (1964-1974) Mozambique gained independence...Show moreAfter more than 400 years of European imperial powers influencing the region of Mozambique and exploiting its population and a 10 years independence war (1964-1974) Mozambique gained independence in 1975. But the country that FRELIMO inherited was a country with divisions along cultural, linguistic and rural, urban lines. The country lacked a national identity as well as a developed state with resilient and established institutions. The idea of self determination and national identity, in an increasingly globalised world, has become more prominent. This has led to different strategies to aid the creation of a national identity being employed by governments of newly independent African nations. Thus, with the help of academic articles as well as the two documentaries Kuxa Kanema and Treatment of Traitors, this thesis will look at the different strategies employed in the creation of national identity and the challenges in the case of Mozambique after it’s independence until the democratic era of Mozambique. This paper will take a multi-disciplinary approach analyzing the strategies used in the domain of media, politics, linguistics and culture.Therefore, arguing that the multicultural nature of Mozambique could be used to form a Mozambican identity based on duality.Show less
This thesis researched the extent to which Bush and Obama used different conceptual metaphorical frames in their rhetoric concerning the Iraq War, and to what extent these frames helped them create...Show moreThis thesis researched the extent to which Bush and Obama used different conceptual metaphorical frames in their rhetoric concerning the Iraq War, and to what extent these frames helped them create a worldview that justified or opposed the Iraq War. The thesis argued that Bush and Obama both use the same metaphorical model, in which they create a hero, villain, and a victim, to justify or oppose the Iraq War. Whereas the existing literature mainly focused on the use of metaphorical framing in a political context, this thesis looks at the political context concerning war. The thesis specifically contributes to the existing literature on metaphorical framing in a war context, and the "Fairytale of a Just War theory" by George Lakoff, because it shows that telling a story in which there is a hero, villain, and a victim can be used to tell a different story than the story in which war is justifiedShow less
Burgeoning Africa-China relations have sparked considerable debate over the past two decades. Many Western academics, politicians, and journalists now see growing Africa-China relations as a form...Show moreBurgeoning Africa-China relations have sparked considerable debate over the past two decades. Many Western academics, politicians, and journalists now see growing Africa-China relations as a form of Chinese neo-colonialism in Africa that is challenging Western efforts to help the continent develop. It is in this atmosphere of competition that the perspectives of Africans themselves have often been overlooked. This research paper attempts to shed light on these perspectives by analysing how elite political discourse in South Africa, Zambia and Angola perceives growing Africa-China relations, and how this discourse differs from common themes found in Western discourse. The paper combines a macro critical political discourse analysis of elite political discourse with a qualitative comparative analysis of these three case studies, within the timeframe January 2018 – January 2020. The research paper reveals that African political discourse often differs from, and indeed challenges, common themes found in Western discourse. In doing so, this research also contests the ‘universality’ of Western perceptions of both Africa and Africa-China relations. And finally, this research problematises the portrayal of non-Western actors in mainstream IR and highlights the need to listen to these voices from the periphery.Show less
This thesis will argue that to remain relevant within scholarship, IR scholars should recognize, as Nye and Strange have, that MNCs are powerful actors that influence the states they operate in,...Show moreThis thesis will argue that to remain relevant within scholarship, IR scholars should recognize, as Nye and Strange have, that MNCs are powerful actors that influence the states they operate in, the global political economy, and the norms and values the international system is based on. This point is fundamental to the study of IR so long as IR claims to explore power dynamics and the influences behind state-to-state interaction. This thesis does not claim that multinationals ought to be included in the study of IR on the grounds that they supersede the state or that states are no longer important in global governance, rather it argues that MNCs are important to the current structure of the global order. Its central research question seeks to explore how multinational corporations can be incorporated into the IR discipline. It looks at constructivism as the appropriate theoretical tool to do so. Although it seeks to add to the constructivist school of thought, it also critiques previous constructivist literature for not having done so already. These criticisms are two-fold: constructivists have failed to 1) analyze the MNC in terms of identities, interest, and power; and 2) analyzing contemporary international relations from a standpoint that is too theoretical to fully observe the realities of international relations in practice.Show less
Throughout the last decades, the UN has applied various efforts in order to bring an end to colonialism, and they have done so through different approaches. This thesis aims to answer the question:...Show moreThroughout the last decades, the UN has applied various efforts in order to bring an end to colonialism, and they have done so through different approaches. This thesis aims to answer the question: ‘How effective has United Nations been in achieving decolonization in the cases of Tokelau and Puerto Rico?’. Three main arguments run through this thesis. First, it argues that the UN engages in norm creation through affirming resolutions and publishing visiting reports, and that this is one of the most effective instruments in achieving decolonization in the cases of Tokelau and Puerto Rico. Second, it demonstrates that this norm creation has an effect on the international reputation on the administering states of New Zealand and the US, which affected their cooperation. Lastly, it challenges the current UN framework on decolonization and includes critique on this framework in order to apply this to the case studies and display the consequent ramifications.Show less
This thesis deals with securitization and desecuritization of immigration in right and left wing media in the United States as evidence of polarization through applying critical discourse analysis....Show moreThis thesis deals with securitization and desecuritization of immigration in right and left wing media in the United States as evidence of polarization through applying critical discourse analysis. Considering the current political climate in which matters such as immigration, race and social class are being securitized, research that focuses on how the right and the left wing securitize/desecuritize is important.Show less
The inconsistent application of the United Nations (UN) Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine has facilitated a discussion on the legitimacy of the principle. While the legal and ethical issues...Show moreThe inconsistent application of the United Nations (UN) Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine has facilitated a discussion on the legitimacy of the principle. While the legal and ethical issues concerning R2P have been examined in detail, scholars have mostly neglected its practical dimension. In order to interpret the inconsistent implementation of R2P, the cases of Syria and the Central African Republic (CAR) serve as a comparative framework. Thereby, this paper argues that the geopolitical interests of the Security Council’s permanent member states had a major impact on the adoption of R2P’s non-coercive and coercive instruments. From these case studies and the UNSC’s in/-action three implications for R2P are inferred: that the conditions for the successful implementation of the principle are dependent on the P5, that its application does not in fact delegitimise the doctrine and that a reformist approach can improve the inconsistencies in international response.Show less
There has been a rise in literature over counter insurgency approaches. This paper covers the ""hearts and minds theory"" such as the importance of gaining legitimacy in the local level in order to...Show moreThere has been a rise in literature over counter insurgency approaches. This paper covers the ""hearts and minds theory"" such as the importance of gaining legitimacy in the local level in order to win over the local populace. At the same time, it deliberates whether an authoritarian approach is more effective in ending the 500 year conflict in the Moro region. The findings shows that all three presidents were supported by the people in the conflicted region and that all three actively worked towards a ""hearts and minds approach""- exemplified in their attempts to ratify an autonomous Bngsamoro. Interestingly, only Duterte was able to pass the bill and put a halt in the long-term conflict. The analysis shows that this was due to Duterte's strong legitimacy as a Moro blood and his hard core approach, both of which his predecessors lacked.Show less
Major policy shifts are rare phenomena on a national level, and identifying the specific moments when these transitions take place is not always possible. In the case of the Netherlands, 1982...Show moreMajor policy shifts are rare phenomena on a national level, and identifying the specific moments when these transitions take place is not always possible. In the case of the Netherlands, 1982 proves to be an exception: the ‘Wassenaar Accord’ was a turning point in the governmental policymaking regarding the influence of labour unions and employers’ organisations, after years of economic malaise. The enduring lack of economic growth in combination with high inflation, known as stagflation during the 1970s, paved the way for the new cabinet to force employers’ organisations and trade unions into an agreement on wage cuts in exchange for shorter working years. New policies through a breakthrough agreement were needed because of what an Economist article from 1977 described as the ‘Dutch disease’: high unemployment and lack of economic growth despite natural resource exports. The timing of the negotiations in Wassenaar coincided with neoliberal economists taking over the IMF and the World Bank (Harvey 93). What does this remarkable transition tell us about the way states should handle economic events such as stagflation, or more specifically the Dutch disease? This research seeks to provide the background information on that matter and answer the following question: how should the Dutch policies which were meant to counter the Dutch disease be identified? The processes leading up to the Wassenaar Accord can be traced back to causal mechanisms which will clarify to what extend the Dutch policies where identifiable as policies befitting neocorporatism, if they shifted towards the international trend of neoliberalism and perhaps if the Netherlands found a third way between the two established explanations.Show less
This thesis researches whether the Women, Peace and Security agenda was successfully implemented by the Dutch troops in Afghanistan using interviews with ten members of the Dutch armed forces.
