This thesis serves to politically conceptualize and explain the popularity of Pentecostalism in Nigeria. The paper focused on the choice of students and employees Covenant University to join that...Show moreThis thesis serves to politically conceptualize and explain the popularity of Pentecostalism in Nigeria. The paper focused on the choice of students and employees Covenant University to join that same university. Covenant University is a private university which is a subsidiary of the Living Faith Church Worldwide (LFCWW), one of the largest Pentecostal churches in Nigeria. This choice of university represents a clear choice to affiliate with or join the Pentecostal community and faith. Covenant University is also a community under full control of the church and a Pentecostal societal model. As an multidisciplinary project, the thesis involved using system-level conceptual analysis of political theory combined with an anthropological ethnographic micro-level study of the Covenant University community. The main argument of the thesis is that while the Nigerian sociopolitical landscape is in a state of disorder, meaning that it is void of a supraethnoreligious ethic and is plagued by extreme violence in everyday life, Covenant University and the LFCWW present themselves as communities of order. This is because they are governed by an overarching ethic derived from scripture and because the main compound of the LFCWW is safe contrasted to the Nigerian public space. Church members and staff explicitly separate themselves from the non-believing populous and the government in a dichotomous friend-enemy fashion. The thesis concludes that the choice of Covenant University as a workplace or place of study constitutes a political choice of order over disorder. As this choice mirrors becoming a Pentecostal church member, the analysis of it bares the political importance the Pentecostal movement in Nigeria.Show less
Deze scriptie gaat over het verborgen verzet (infrapolitics) van de lokale bevolking uit Frans Congo tegen de Compagnie Commerciale de Colonisation du Congo Français (4CF). Deze compagnie was voor...Show moreDeze scriptie gaat over het verborgen verzet (infrapolitics) van de lokale bevolking uit Frans Congo tegen de Compagnie Commerciale de Colonisation du Congo Français (4CF). Deze compagnie was voor het grootste deel in handen van het Nederlandse bedrijf NAHV, die deze compagnie samen met twee andere oprichtte nadat Frans-Congo in concessies werd verdeeld. In deze scriptie betoog ik allereerst dat de geweldscontext in Frans-Congo minder absoluut was dan in Belgisch-Congo. Daarna wordt ingegaan op de houding van de bevolking en haar agency: de bevolking wilde meewerken wanneer dat goed uitkwam, maar werkte tegen zodra dat mogelijk was. Zo blijkt enerzijds dat 4CF nooit echt een succes werd, met name door het gebrek aan middelen en het machtsvacuüm dat er was, en anderzijds de ruimte en de wil van de lokale bevolking om zich op allerlei verborgen wijzen te verzetten tegen de koloniale machthebber.Show less
Even though billions are spent on poverty alleviation, and many thousands of pages of policy have been written, there is no clear idea on the effect of poverty reduction strategies. This paper...Show moreEven though billions are spent on poverty alleviation, and many thousands of pages of policy have been written, there is no clear idea on the effect of poverty reduction strategies. This paper argues that not only development aid has not been durably effective, moreover, this lack of effectiveness is due to a fundamental misunderstanding of what is poverty. This paper argues that the mismatch between poverty-definitions of donor and recipient can be solved through a new conceptualization of poverty, in which its intersocial dimension is central. Two new concepts are introduced: aspiration (the desire to belong to a group which possesses certain commodities – ranging from material goods to civil or human rights, and more) and acceptation (the condition that the group needs to accept an aspirer). Hence, poverty is defined in terms of agency, individuality and desire. The last step made in the argument is to apply the new conceptualization – the Aspiration Approach – to three recurring themes in Dutch development aid to Sub-Saharan African countries. It is shown here how a different definition of poverty can lead to a better understanding of failing development aid. The Aspiration Approach to Poverty defines poverty as the state in which one can be where one has aspirations that cannot be fulfilled. This unfulfilment can obviously have many reasons, but the reason that stands out in the Aspiration Approach is that others – the Opulent Society – do not accept the validity or worthiness of the aspirations.Show less
This thesis analyses the role of R2P in the justificatory speeches of American presidents Bush, Clinton and Obama through the case studies of Somalia 1992-1994 and Libya 2011.
Citizen journalism is a relatively new term, especially in many non-western parts of the world. It is best known to make it easier for people to share information and stories with the rest of the...Show moreCitizen journalism is a relatively new term, especially in many non-western parts of the world. It is best known to make it easier for people to share information and stories with the rest of the world through online platforms. The negative sides of citizen journalism are however sometimes hard to overlook, especially in situations where citizen journalism may completely replace the mainstream media. This can be seen to have happened during the 2007 Kenyan presidential election crisis, when the elections took a violent turn.Show less
Sub Saharan Africa has recently enjoyed high economic growth rates. Many economists and developmentalists now consider that Africa is rising. Trade is seen as the prominent reason for this growth...Show moreSub Saharan Africa has recently enjoyed high economic growth rates. Many economists and developmentalists now consider that Africa is rising. Trade is seen as the prominent reason for this growth in gross domestic product and aid has slowly been phased out. Trade within the foreign aid debate has acquired many supporters. However behind these economic growth figures human development and inequality are still large issues. In this thesis it will be examined to what extent trade as the opposite of aid leads to increased human development and equality. The text explores the problems associated with aid, the focus on foreign investment and economic growth without an increase in human development or equality. It will be established that solely trade does not increase human development or equality. It is hoped this study will provide insight into how economic growth and declining human development and equality rates can exist side by side.Show less
In the context of the upcoming elections in Kenya in August 2017, debates on Twitter have highlighted the gap between the political elite’s electoral agenda and the population’s daily struggles of...Show moreIn the context of the upcoming elections in Kenya in August 2017, debates on Twitter have highlighted the gap between the political elite’s electoral agenda and the population’s daily struggles of surviving and coping with harsh realities. Kenya’s president, Uhuru Kenyatta, recently launched an online campaign calling for voters registration – #UhuruDabChallenge – which was met with fierce protestations online, formalised under the #DabOfShame. This thesis will analyse the framing of this clash of priorities on Twitter by looking at the spread and use of one hashtag in particular – #DabOfShame – and one of the subtheme the #KOT community highlighted, that is the country’s hunger and drought crises. Indeed, analysing the #DabOfShame highlights the gap between the state discourse and the subsequent online responses, which has a huge impact on the way pertaining daily issues and their realities are depicted online. In particular, looking at Kenya’s most salient and recurrent difficulties – the hunger and drought crises – pinpoints how the users shed light on the problems, thus “framing” an opposition of concerns, and pushing the political elite to address them. Interestingly, the users and content analysis of this specific hashtag give insights into the political socialisation processes that Twitter enables and the platform it provides for the Kenyan connected generation to express its grievances in the everyday context. Eventually, this can inform discussions on the possibility of social media to influence the government’s agenda and produce a united common front in a context of political polarisation. This, however, also reveals concerning trends in the way Twitter is used by the political elite in Kenya, in particular by its president, which suggests that social media are possibly developing into new podiums on which political legitimacy is fought and gained.Show less
On the basis of identity theory, this thesis analyses three films directed by Karim Dridi regarding the representation of the North African diaspora in France. These analyses will be put next to...Show moreOn the basis of identity theory, this thesis analyses three films directed by Karim Dridi regarding the representation of the North African diaspora in France. These analyses will be put next to the representations provided by dominant French discourse to conclude that the the latter takes a less comprehensive approach towards including the North African diaspora and representing them.Show less
The purpose of this thesis was to broaden understanding of the artisanal and small-scale gold mining (ASM) formalisation experience in Côte d’Ivoire. The research was focussed on how the formal...Show moreThe purpose of this thesis was to broaden understanding of the artisanal and small-scale gold mining (ASM) formalisation experience in Côte d’Ivoire. The research was focussed on how the formal regulatory framework for ASM is connected to the informal status of the sector in the country. The research has presented different findings. Firstly, due to a long period of political instability and a high international gold price, the artisanal and small-scale gold mining sector has experienced a strong growth over the 1999-2011 period in Côte d’Ivoire. In a response to the strong growth and the negative social and environmental impacts of the sector the government of Côte d’Ivoire presented the PNRO in 2013 for the effective regulation of the sector. While the program was aimed to end in 2016, the implementation of the process is still ongoing. The direct results of the program and experiences of different stakeholder in the field present an image of a formal regulatory framework that was ineffective: no (or very limited) authorisations have been handed out, no geologically viable ASM corridors have been identified and the negative impacts of the ASM sector, including LSM-ASM conflicts, have not decreased. This narrow focus, together with the bureaucratic procedures and costs to obtain an authorisation, the private control of informal gold mines by high ranking politicians, the prioritization of large scale mining and a lack of capacity by the government, have contributed to the design and implementation of an ineffective formal regulatory framework for the artisanal and small-scale gold mining sector in the country. A consequence of this, is that with the current approach the sector is deemed to stay informal and increases the likelihood of ASM-LSM conflicts. This scenario is unwanted, because it leaves the ones that most need an effective regulatory framework left in informality, it increases problems with insecurity for mining companies and creates a huge losses of tax revenues for the government. The sole actors that profit from an informal ASM sector are the ones that benefit from the illicit trade of gold.Show less
Nkrumah werd in het begin van zijn regeerperiode gezien als grote held, maar werd uiteindelijk afgezet vanwege zijn dictatoriale bewind. Ergens ging het mis. Of zaten de dictatoriale neigingen er...Show moreNkrumah werd in het begin van zijn regeerperiode gezien als grote held, maar werd uiteindelijk afgezet vanwege zijn dictatoriale bewind. Ergens ging het mis. Of zaten de dictatoriale neigingen er altijd al in?Show less
The focus of this thesis is on the influence of the Fair Trade and Fair Chain programs on the condition of Ethiopian coffee farmers, looking at the social, economic and environmental conditions.
After the Arab Spring, social media have been attributed great potential for democratization and enhanced political accountability, which has raised hopes for Africa’s stagnant democracies....Show moreAfter the Arab Spring, social media have been attributed great potential for democratization and enhanced political accountability, which has raised hopes for Africa’s stagnant democracies. Research is, however, inconclusive on whether this potential is seized and what this means in practice. Moreover, no research on political accountability in Africa has used social media as a primary source yet. Therefore I have studied the everyday Nigerian political accountability dynamics on social media as participant observer for 75 days. The observations exhibited four important shifts in accountability dynamics on social media away from traditional, offline accountability practices. First, social media has created an incessant and two-directional accountability cycle in which citizens find a unified voice through hashtags and the government replies to accountability demands instantly. Secondly, social media facilitate the traditionally much sought proximity between citizens and their leaders, as a channel for complaining, reassurance and interaction. Third, clientelist accountability dynamics have shifted from only demands for private and club goods, to mostly demands for collective and public goods, despite some deviations. Lastly, social media also allowed for slacktivism, but this did not inhibit the success of one online campaign. These shifts are significant, as they strengthen political accountability and thus democracy, even though the limits of the impact of online accountability and its meaning to the average Nigerian put the democratizing powers of social media in perspective. The observations nevertheless highlight the new opportunities and new dimensions to traditional accountability in Nigeria, and possibly Africa, enabled and channelled by social media.Show less
