In the past few years, all major space powers have revamped their interests in the conquest of the Moon as a key geopolitical asset. In May 2020, the United States was the first space-faring state...Show moreIn the past few years, all major space powers have revamped their interests in the conquest of the Moon as a key geopolitical asset. In May 2020, the United States was the first space-faring state to officialise a set of bilateral agreements, the Artemis Accords, aimed a legally and politically support the extraction, utilisation and commercialisation of lunar resources, as well as the permanent settlement of a lunar outpost. The American space agenda marked the opening of interesting times for the politics of space exploration, as all major space powers have either embraced or criticised the American approach. As such, this thesis attempts to fill the gap in the literature on the geopolitical implications of space exploration. In order to do so, a descriptive process-tracing of the single case study of the Artemis Accords is carried out, while investigating its geopolitical link with the international space agenda of four major space powers: the US, China, Russia and Europe. While relying on both primary and secondary data, the analysis allows to conclude the inherent geopolitical value of states’ practice in outer space, as well as the underlying political, economic and diplomatic factors that are at the heart of international politics. Outer space is increasingly bounded by geopolitical value, to a level seeing only during the 1960s space race, and while the future of international politics is yet to be determined, one thing is certain: it will pass by the Moon.Show less
This thesis considers environmental policy representation in a comparative study of 21 European countries to find what explains that hardly any of them have enacted policies commensurate with the...Show moreThis thesis considers environmental policy representation in a comparative study of 21 European countries to find what explains that hardly any of them have enacted policies commensurate with the public consensus on the need to mitigate climate change. Based on an original dataset of public opinion on ten potential environmental policy changes between 2008 and 2020, the main results are that amidst general policy responsiveness, both genders and age groups are equally well represented whereas high-educated citizens experience a slight representational bias. This demonstrates that climate policy adoption is not hampered by the underrepresentation of pro-environmental interests. The analyses in the second part reject descriptive representation as a plausible explanation for unequal policy responsiveness. Doing so, this thesis emphasizes the importance of going beyond numbers to explore mechanisms that facilitate the representation of climate preferences held by diverse groups in society.Show less
Taking an elite-centred approach, this paper analyses the recent attempted electoral reform initiative in Canada (national level), primarily focusing upon the most influential and powerful...Show moreTaking an elite-centred approach, this paper analyses the recent attempted electoral reform initiative in Canada (national level), primarily focusing upon the most influential and powerful political actors throughout this process. In particular, the extent to which individual political elite motivations (both material and ideational) can help explain why reform attempts likely fail, will be of central interest. The theoretical framework, which is used to navigate this research puzzle, consists of the ‘barriers model’ by Rahat and Hazan (2009, 2011), and the related, ‘models of electoral system change,’ by Benoit (2004). By building upon ‘barriers model,’ in particular, this project seeks to increase academic understanding of the relationship between both material and ideational motivations, how such motivation types might be recognised, and importantly, how both interact in the context of proposed electoral reform. By using an exploratory process tracing methodology, the complex mechanisms associated with both types of political elite motives are examined. Overall, this study seems to confirm majority academic opinion, that material motivations are the key driving incentives behind whether electoral reform is likely to fail or succeed. However, that being noted, evidence from this research paper does, nonetheless, appear to suggest strong ideational incentives for both the removal and retention of the status quo. While the relationship between both motive types is complex, the use of ideational argumentation to mask more salient material motives does appear present throughout.Show less
This thesis investigates the effect of a personalist leadership style on the electoral support of right-wing populist parties. Drawing on Pappas’ (2016) binary definition of personalist leadership...Show moreThis thesis investigates the effect of a personalist leadership style on the electoral support of right-wing populist parties. Drawing on Pappas’ (2016) binary definition of personalist leadership as well as on a broader body of academic literature on personalism and right-wing populist parties, the expectation is formulated that a personalist leadership style increases the electoral support of (newly established) right-wing populist parties. The hypothesis is tested using a medium-N comparative cross-case analysis comparing right-wing populist parties with a personalist leadership style to those without a personalist leadership style. Based on the analysis, this thesis finds no evidence for a substantial effect of a personalist leadership style on the electoral support of right-wing populist parties.Show less
In this paper, I observe policy changes by established parties which react strategically to new right challengers with a hard stance on migration/integration policies. By assessing parliamentary...Show moreIn this paper, I observe policy changes by established parties which react strategically to new right challengers with a hard stance on migration/integration policies. By assessing parliamentary speech data in a quantitative text analysis with Wordscores in combination with a manual content analysis, I contribute to the ongoing debate of how and when mainstream parties change their positions on the migration/integration dimension. I focus on Germany from 2011 – 2018 to evaluate the effect of the new right challenger “Alternative für Deutschland” (AfD) which became successful in the light of the so called ‘refugee crisis’. Both the quantitative text analysis and the manual content analysis find no effect for established parties before the AfD entered the parliament and observe a clear adversarial strategy of left Parties when the AfD entered parliament.Show less
Recent reports of a large number of polling place closures in the Southern United States after the Supreme Court’s Shelby County v. Holder (2013) decision sparks interest in the factors surrounding...Show moreRecent reports of a large number of polling place closures in the Southern United States after the Supreme Court’s Shelby County v. Holder (2013) decision sparks interest in the factors surrounding polling place closures and the consequences of these closures. Because little is known about the subject, this paper aims to give more clarity on these factors and consequences. It hypothesizes (1) that polling place closures have a negative effect on voter turnout; (2) that counties with a larger minority population experience more polling place closures than counties with a smaller minority population, (2a) especially in states where the Republican party has unified control over state government; and (3) that the negative effect of polling place closures on voter turnout is larger in counties with a larger minority population. Using county-level data from the 2008, 2012, and 2016 presidential elections, this paper finds no support for H1, showing that polling place closures do not have a significant effect on voter turnout. While polling place closures lead to less physical turnout, they are associated with increases in absentee turnout. It finds mixed results for H2, H2a, and H3. This paper is the first of its kind in testing these relationships in a US-wide large-N observational study. Because of the inconclusive nature of its results and the general lack of academic research into the topic, this paper advocates for more research into polling place closures and their connection to race, ethnicity, and voter turnout.Show less
This thesis delves into how the so-called 'European refugee crisis' of 2015 impacted the parliamentary migration and integration discourse in the Netherlands. The study focuses on the eleven...Show moreThis thesis delves into how the so-called 'European refugee crisis' of 2015 impacted the parliamentary migration and integration discourse in the Netherlands. The study focuses on the eleven parties in the Second Chamber of the Netherlands during the Cabinet Rutte- Asscher (2012-2017). The expected changes in the Dutch parliamentary discourse are the use of the 'frame of reason' to bring together contrary discourses and the criminalization of refugees by left-wing parties. This thesis remains open to other changes in discourse by using a grounded theory approach to discourse analysis. In this way, the migration and integration discourse can be studied in an open-minded and differentiated way. This thesis shows that most elements of the ‘frame of reason’ were used during the refugee crisis and that a separation of left-wing parties occurred in which some left-wing parties started to criminalize refugees. In line with Waerniers & Hustinx (2019), a conditionality of residence rights and citizenship for different types of migrants emerged in the debate. Mair's (2009) concepts of responsiveness and responsibility were used to offer a possible explanation for the shifts in the discourse of the parties in government.Show less
