In April 2007, the streets of Tallinn bore witness to the worst civil unrest seen in Estonia since the Soviet Red Army arrived in the city in 1944. The riots, in which one ethnic Russian protester...Show moreIn April 2007, the streets of Tallinn bore witness to the worst civil unrest seen in Estonia since the Soviet Red Army arrived in the city in 1944. The riots, in which one ethnic Russian protester was killed and over 1,000 were arrested, came to be known as ‘Bronze Night’ and were sparked by the removal and relocation of a Soviet-era monument, the ‘Bronze Soldier’, which had stood in the centre of the city since 1947. This study argues that the removal of the ‘Bronze Soldier' can be viewed as the culmination of a ‘memory war’ which has played out since independence and which highlights and contributes to a rift in Estonian society. Drawing on insights garnered from memory studies and elements of securitization theory, this study argues that the construction of a singular focused ‘memory regime’ by the Estonian state has led to increased marginalisation of the ethnic Russian population in the state. Such marginalisation led to the creation of a counter-memory regime, embodied by the ‘Bronze Soldier’, which was easily exploited by the Russian state. The ensuing ‘memory war’ between both interpretations of history ensured ongoing hostility and antagonism between both ethnic groups which culminated in the events witnessed in 2007. This study argues that the construction of a more critical and pluralistic historical narrative on the part of the Estonian state, as opposed to an incessant fixation on Russia, would ensure increased integration in Estonia and subsequently, foster a greater feeling of security on the part of the Estonian state.Show less
The reassessment of Global South contribution to International Relations both in the past and present time, is a crucial challenge for academic research nowadays, constituting an issue that is...Show moreThe reassessment of Global South contribution to International Relations both in the past and present time, is a crucial challenge for academic research nowadays, constituting an issue that is worthy of interest and analysis for its implications on History and International Relations. This work aims to decentralize International Relations and make it less Eurocentric. To do so, the author reassessed the role of Latin American thinkers and diplomats in Human Rights theorization in the 1940s, to show that crucial theoretical developments were made outside the Global North. In detail, this thesis argues that the region has actively participated in the construction of the language of human rights instead of simply receiving ideas and concepts from the Global North. It focuses on the Larreta Doctrine, a doctrine developed in Uruguay that tackled multilateralism, sovereignty and the violation of human rights. Eduardo Rodriguez Larreta, then Uruguayan Foreign Minister, theorized this Doctrine in 1945, in response to the dualism between sovereignty and international Rights protection hardly felt in the Latin American Region. So, Larreta thought that the idea that non-intervention in states’ domestic affairs is conditional to the respect for citizens’ fundamental rights. Moreover, the Uruguayan Foreign Minister stated that a precommitment regime and collective intervention are not a violation of sovereignty.Show less
Illegal oil theft, also referred to as “huachicoleo”, constitutes one of the major policy issues today in Mexico. Although organized crime shapes the contemporary political landscape of the country...Show moreIllegal oil theft, also referred to as “huachicoleo”, constitutes one of the major policy issues today in Mexico. Although organized crime shapes the contemporary political landscape of the country, political science academia has largely failed to research crime and its impact on the state. This thesis particularly investigates the phenomenon of huachicoleo in Mexico and why it has become the new public priority. It draws upon academic contributions from cultural studies, criminology, sociology and political science to provide an alternative narrative about the conflict in Mexico. The thesis proposes that huachicoleo erodes the legitimacy of the Mexican state and poses a threat to the government as such. It emphasizes the agency of non-humans, i.e. the cultural power of oil and the symbolic value of the state-owned oil company PEMEX. Moreover, the thesis looks into the huachicolero subculture, which has developed around the activity of illegal oil theft and shares similarities with narcoculture. It demonstrates how “huachicultura” challenges the state’s legitimacy through its cultural artifacts and actively takes part in the on-going process of the social construction of legitimacy in Mexico. These findings suggest for future research to acknowledge the importance of material objects and non-human entities in conflict situations and how those engage with the human entity as a network of agency.Show less
In 2008, the World Bank developed the State and Peacebuilding Fund (SPF) to deal with post-conflict countries. The financial institution has been involved in post-conflict reconstruction since the...Show moreIn 2008, the World Bank developed the State and Peacebuilding Fund (SPF) to deal with post-conflict countries. The financial institution has been involved in post-conflict reconstruction since the late nineties. However, its adoption of the political concepts of state and peacebuilding seems to represent a shift towards a comprehensive position of the World Bank regarding post-conflict situations (World Bank, 1998, p. 4). The emphasis is put on the political aspects of state and peacebuilding as they imply the building of ‘institutional capacity and legitimacy’ and the management of ‘the internal and external stresses that increase vulnerability to conflict’ in ‘fragile and conflict-prone and -affected situations’ (World Bank, 2019a). At the same time, the World Bank has reminded the importance of not interfering in politics and the necessity to stick to its role of economic actor as stated in its Articles of Agreement. The organisation appears torn between a supposedly comprehensive approach concerning state and peacebuilding and its economic mandate. The evolution of the paradoxical discourse of the World Bank on post-conflict reconstruction is therefore considered in this thesis by examining the power-knowledge and the associate regime of truth at stake in the production of its discourse. The method selected is a critical discourse analysis and the SPF is the case-study for this research. This thesis allows to unpack the problematic handling of state and peacebuilding by the World Bank.Show less
During the 20th Century, both Germany and Spain had atrocities committed against specific groups of people at home under fascist leaderships. Both countries democratised with the death of their...Show moreDuring the 20th Century, both Germany and Spain had atrocities committed against specific groups of people at home under fascist leaderships. Both countries democratised with the death of their leader, leaving members from the previous regime in power. However, two very different approaches to reconciliation were taken. Germany prosecuted the leaders of the old regime, implemented collective guilt across the population, and either destroyed fascist memorials and insignias or actively challenged them with counter-memorials. As opposed to following the German path to reconciliation, the fruits of which could be seen during the democratisation of Spain, the new democracy decided to implement the 1975 Pact of Forgetting, an unwritten agreement to not bring up the atrocities committed under Franco for fear of retribution. In order to understand the events that led to two very different outcomes through the use of interviews, analysis of the Suárez’s cabinet, and analysis of the use of memorials in both cases, this paper will ask why did Spain choose to avoid a similar reconciliation process to the one taken by West Germany thirty years prior despite being in a similar state and what role did public history play?Show less
Contemporary violence in Mexico has moved beyond the state, making it harder to find solutions to the ever-growing number of homicides country the country. Public security in Mexico is now...Show moreContemporary violence in Mexico has moved beyond the state, making it harder to find solutions to the ever-growing number of homicides country the country. Public security in Mexico is now identified as having three particular problems: it is seen as illegitimate, infused with impunity, and distrusted by citizens. Altogether, this has instigated citizens to find a way to protect themselves from the rising violence without having to turn to the state; private security. Private military and security companies have boomed exactly within the time frame in which Mexico was quickly trying to adapt to a more democratic rule. Having to deal with this many changes within a short time frame, regulations for PMSCs have fallen short and thus created an informal market. Policing the private security market has failed, creating the opportunity for corruption: impunity prevails.Show less
This study has been conducted to examine the situation of nuclear proliferation in the Middle East, more closely Israel, Iran and Saudi Arabia. Starting from a neorealist perspective, the study...Show moreThis study has been conducted to examine the situation of nuclear proliferation in the Middle East, more closely Israel, Iran and Saudi Arabia. Starting from a neorealist perspective, the study argues that balance of power is needed in the region and nuclear proliferation may be a balancing tool. Consequently, the study hypothesizes that strategic stability, which is an outcome of nuclear deterrence, offers a solution to the to the situation among these three countries. Strategic stability can be achieved by nuclear proliferation therefore this study proposes that Iran and Saudi Arabia should proliferate to counterbalance Israel’s nuclear hegemony in the region. When strategic stability is achieved, then as the theory holds, nuclear powers will not confront each other and thus, the region will be more stable. The study utilizes the work of Waltz, Mearsheimer, Kissinger, Parsi, Walton, Long, Colby, and Steinbruner to name a few. The findings have revealed that in theory strategic stability would be a viable solution to overcome the current situation, however given the complexity of the region and the relations among these countries, it is very unlikely to be achieved.Show less
It is widely recognized that the climate is changing. Research is now done on the effects of climate change on human security. There is controversy about the relation between climate change and...Show moreIt is widely recognized that the climate is changing. Research is now done on the effects of climate change on human security. There is controversy about the relation between climate change and violent conflict. Supporters of the relation argue that climate change can cause violent conflict through resource scarcity and migration, but others argue that there is too much disagreement between studies to draw strong conclusions. This thesis examined the relation between climate change and violent conflict within Sub-Saharan Africa and bridged the gap between qualitative and quantitative research. The qualitative research showed that violent conflict is a complex phenomenon, that cannot be explained through one cause. The legacy of colonialism, ethnicity, neopatrimonialism and resources have all been identified as causes of violent conflict in Africa. The quantitative research showed a relation between the climatic variables and violent conflict. Lower levels of precipitation and higher levels of temperature were related to violent conflict in the continent. Furthermore, the effect of temperature on violent conflict was mediated by government effectiveness. It was concluded that climate change can indeed cause violent conflict, but never as a sole-cause. It is a threat multiplier, because it exacerbates the already existing causes to violent conflict, and therefore human security.Show less
Just as the Kyoto Protocol, the Paris Agreement recognizes the fact that developing countries have fewer capabilities to combat climate change and should thus receive assistance from the developed...Show moreJust as the Kyoto Protocol, the Paris Agreement recognizes the fact that developing countries have fewer capabilities to combat climate change and should thus receive assistance from the developed world. Through the transfer of technology and monetary aid, developed countries are obliged to help developing countries in achieving sustainable growth. This structure of North-South cooperation was translated into the Clean Development Mechanism in the Kyoto Protocol. My thesis analyzes the implementation of this mechanism in Colombia and Peru and answers whether its goals of emission reduction, sustainable development and technology transfer have been achieved. Through a case study of two Clean Development Mechanism projects this dissertation shows the success of current climate change mitigation mechanisms in the context of two Latin American countries. Finally, I will study the equivalent of the “Clean Development Mechanism” in the Paris Agreement to answer whether problems encountered in the Clean Development Mechanism have been addressed in the Paris Agreement.Show less
To what extent can interstate conflict initiation be considered a coup-proofing strategy? Further, how can coup-proofing impact civil war onset and leader survival? This thesis provides insight...Show moreTo what extent can interstate conflict initiation be considered a coup-proofing strategy? Further, how can coup-proofing impact civil war onset and leader survival? This thesis provides insight into elite rivalry, coup-proofing and leader survival in authoritarian regimes. I use a single case study of authoritarian leader Mohamed Siad Barre of Somalia, who ruled Somalia from 1969 to1991. With the use of existing theories on authoritarian leaders, I determine whether leaders use interstate conflict initiation as a coup-proofing strategy by examining the Ogaden War (1977-1978). I also ascertain whether coup-proofing can contribute to civil war onset and the removal of leaders from office. I propose that the Ogaden War was initiated as a coup-proofing strategy to reduce the coup risk of the Somali leader from the Somali National Army. Thus, I argue that interstate conflict initiation can be considered a form of coup-proofing. The study also suggests that protracted use of coup-proofing strategies, specifically, exclusion along ethic or tribal lines can deepen cleavages within already fractionalized societies, which in turn can lead to civil war onset.Show less
The thesis attempts a theoretical approach to the peace process of President Juan Manuel Santos with the FARC (revolutionary armed forces of Colombia) guerrilla. The FARC guerrilla is the oldest in...Show moreThe thesis attempts a theoretical approach to the peace process of President Juan Manuel Santos with the FARC (revolutionary armed forces of Colombia) guerrilla. The FARC guerrilla is the oldest in the continent, and different international actors participated in the peace process. The thesis delves into various aspects of the Colombian conflict that are crucial for the proper understanding of the peace process with FARC. In order to study the peace process of President Santos and the FARC, this thesis compares previous peace processes with the guerrilla movement and especially investigates the role and influence of kidnappings on the peace processes as Kidnappings play an important role, not only in recent peace negotiations with the guerrilla but also in the intensification of the conflict.Show less
