The 1970’s are commonly known as a period of détente, or ease of tensions during the Cold War. But despite that, existing nuclear powers as the United States were still developing new weaponry and...Show moreThe 1970’s are commonly known as a period of détente, or ease of tensions during the Cold War. But despite that, existing nuclear powers as the United States were still developing new weaponry and enlarging their nuclear arsenal whilst new nuclear powers such as South Africa entered the world stage. This created a situation in which large groups of peoples felt the need to start protesting the nuclear developments again, and a new wave of anti-nuclear protests started halfway through the 1970’s. A particular group of peoples participated in these protests: black anti-nuclear protesters. But to what extent were racism and anti-nuclear protests interconnected in the United States and South Africa between 1976 and 1981? This thesis provides a comparison of the black protest movements in these two countries to provide a starting point for an international research on the interconnection between racial discrimination and anti-nuclear protests. There is an interconnection between racial discrimination and anti-nuclear protests. Both African Americans and black South Africans felt a feeling of injustice and felt racially discriminated due to the nuclear policies of their countries. For the African American protesters, the investments in the nuclear programme were unacceptable because they had very poor living conditions, much worse than white Americans. For the South African black protesters, the nuclear developments by the white minority government had to be stopped since this provided much military strength for the government. In their opinion, the racist apartheid laws could never be ended if the government gained such a strong position in Africa. David Meyer’s theory of Political Opportunity Structure explains that successful protest groups in the past managed to become part of the political system and step into the political space, instead of just showing their dissatisfaction with the government policy. Being well institutionalized in society would make it easier to step into the political space that was present in the détente period. But for the South African protesters this was much harder than for the American protesters since they could only institutionalize themselves in a revolutionary organization such as the ANC, or in church organisations such as the AACC. This resulted in a great difference in the way the protest movements were organized in the United States and South Africa, and in the protest methods they used. Both the American and the South African protesters were aware that the nuclear developments in their countries were dependent on foreign allies or enemies, and although the movements were very different, both relied heavily on international allies. There was also contact between the South African and the American protesters, but this did not result in a clear transfer of ideas.Show less
In this study, I focused on how historians looked at British and American handling of the ‘Polish Question’ in World War II. This was from the moment the discovery of the mass graves at Katyn led...Show moreIn this study, I focused on how historians looked at British and American handling of the ‘Polish Question’ in World War II. This was from the moment the discovery of the mass graves at Katyn led to a break between the Soviet Union and the Polish government-in-exile in April 1943 to the end of the Warsaw Uprising in September 1944. I was particularly interested in what ways the United States and Great Britain wanted to solve this problem in accordance with the wishes of the Polish government-in-exile. It seems as if historians are biased on this subject. They mainly see a pleasing Allied side, desperately trying to keep Stalin in the War. Churchill and Roosevelt wanted to please Stalin so much, according to these historians, that they were willing to sell out their Polish allies and to forget about the Soviet crimes committed in the Easter-European country. Instead of this biased historical look on affairs, summarized in the schools of innocence and blame, I argue for the school of reconstruction or a more objective look at this subject.Show less
International cultural relations connect a countries’ foreign policy agenda and their cultural achievements in a unique way. Therefore, this thesis compares the Austrian and the Dutch approach to...Show moreInternational cultural relations connect a countries’ foreign policy agenda and their cultural achievements in a unique way. Therefore, this thesis compares the Austrian and the Dutch approach to international cultural relations and explores the influence of its soft power projection in the international political arena. It studies the setup, the methods and the resources of the Austrian Cultural Fora and the Dutch embassies. By analysing the cultural diplomacy frameworks, this dissertation explains the incentives of the two countries to invest in cultural policies abroad. The diplomatic activities present national values and promote a politically and economically beneficial Image of the Netherlands and Austria abroad. Despite the aim to establish a coherent approach, the diplomats adapt cultural diplomacy to the political and societal circumstances in the host country to achieve both economic benefits and international cooperation. This research analyses semi-structured interviews with elites working in the field of international cultural relations at the Austrian and the Dutch Ministry for Foreign Affairs as primary sources and supports the findings with secondary literature. The thesis demonstrates that the methods and the institutions of Austrian and Dutch international cultural policy depend on the countries’ history and their foreign policy objectives.Show less
Een voorbeschouwing van de machtstrijd tussen Ambassadeur in Cuba Benjamin Sumner Welles en Cordell Hull in 1933 wanneer Welles op het eiland is om toe te zien op een machtsoverdracht
Within the limits of European cooperation, economies, and strategies, during the Cold War, lies the Berlin question and West Germany’s fate. The US from the start saw it as a vital condition that...Show moreWithin the limits of European cooperation, economies, and strategies, during the Cold War, lies the Berlin question and West Germany’s fate. The US from the start saw it as a vital condition that West Germany joins the Western allies in order to help its nation’s rebuilding and to upgrade Germany’s European role and diplomatic relations. Since the early days of Kennedy’s administration, a complex relationship between the West Germany and the US is distinguishable. It could be said that West Germany became the locomotive of implication of US policy in Europe. Kennedy used Germany’s question towards West’s favor. The FRG not only became a representative of American policy and American thinking but also played the role of the mediator amongst European nations which at the time were not as synchronized and responsive as they should towards the new situation, regarding European and national security and safety. However, it seems that the German administration, during the last two years of the Berlin Crisis brought great headaches to the US president and his team.Show less
The Dutch government used cultural diplomacy to reinforce East-West relations on numerous occasions. High-ranking Dutch civil servants and diplomats used art, classical music and academic exchanges...Show moreThe Dutch government used cultural diplomacy to reinforce East-West relations on numerous occasions. High-ranking Dutch civil servants and diplomats used art, classical music and academic exchanges to influence public opinion on the other side of the Iron Curtain. This thesis will show that the Dutch Foreign Ministry (BZ) used these exhibitions, concerts and sporting events to influence public opinion in the East European Bloc. In an attempt to regenerate the Dutch art scene after World War II the Ministry of Education, Arts and Sciences stimulated the cultural scene in the Netherlands by forging ties with international renowned artists. The policy of OK&W to focus on regaining cultural prestige was contrary to the policy that was laid down by BZ.OK&W also used cultural diplomacy to achieve its objectives, however these goals meant that the Netherlands had to engage more and more with foreign publics. This approach was contrary to the policy of the Foreign Office that was focused on securing national security. The difference in these approaches created tensions between the two offices of government, which had dire consequences for the NIICB established in 1955. This thesis will illustrate the battle fought between the Ministries on the cultural backstage of Dutch Cold War politics by answering the following question: What factors played a role in the development of the Dutch cultural relations in the 1950s with Eastern Europe?Show less
Op de ochtend van maandag 21 september in het jaar 1976 ontplofte in Washington D.C. een auto waarbij de Chileen Orlando Letelier kwam te overlijden. Onderzoek naar het voorval concludeerde dat het...Show moreOp de ochtend van maandag 21 september in het jaar 1976 ontplofte in Washington D.C. een auto waarbij de Chileen Orlando Letelier kwam te overlijden. Onderzoek naar het voorval concludeerde dat het geen ongelukkige samenkomst van omstandigheden was maar een gerichte bomaanslag tegen Letelier. Hij was namelijk de rechterhand van Salvador Allende, de voormalige president van Chili wiens regering ten val werd gebracht in 1973 door de Chileense generaal Augusto Pinochet. De aanslag op Letelier in Washington maakte deel uit van Pinochets internationale netwerk van staatsterrorisme genaamd Operatie Condor, een samenwerkingsverband tussen verschillende autoritaire Latijns-Amerikaanse régimes om linkse dissidenten op te sporen en in een aantal gevallen om te brengen. Een belangrijk aspect van de Junta van Pinochet was de diplomatieke relatie en het de facto bondgenootschap met de Verenigde Staten, wat werd opgesteld na de staatsgreep van Pinochet in 1973. Een belangrijk aspect van dit bondgenootschap was de intentie van beide naties om ‘Communistische invloeden’ op het Amerikaanse continent in te perken. De bomaanslag op Letelier in Washington door de Chileense Junta was echter een schending van de staatssoevereiniteit van de VS en daarmee een bondgenoot. Deze paradox in dit bondgenootschap tussen op het eerste gezicht twee naties met dezelfde ideologische doelen brengt de vraag naar voren welke oorzaken voor de aanslag in Washington te vinden zijn in de desbetreffende diplomatieke relatie tussen de Verenigde Staten en Chili. Een vraag die deze scriptie poogt te beantwoorden.Show less
The Eurovision Song Contest has, since its establishment in 1956, became a forum for European interaction and space where European identity is defined and performed. Participating states are...Show moreThe Eurovision Song Contest has, since its establishment in 1956, became a forum for European interaction and space where European identity is defined and performed. Participating states are expected to embrace the established shared norms and values, while presenting their cultural identity to a global audience. Examining Eurovision through mega-events theory, this thesis will answer: how are mega-events utilised by states and their critics to present and disseminate competing narratives on the host state’s identity and right to host? To do so, the 2019 contest in Israel will be examined as a case study to demonstrate how mega-events can be instrumentalised by states and critics. In doing so it also explores the dangers inherent in hosting a mega-event. This thesis will conclude that Israel utilised the hosting of the Eurovision Song Contest in 2019 as an opportunity to present a clear narrative of Israel as a legitimate and worthy member of Eurovision, and by extension Europe, by echoing the values of the contest. However, critics of Israel also utilised the same show to counter this narrative by challenging Israel’s adherence to Eurovision’s values and the ability of Eurovision to uphold its apoliticality when hosted by a controversial state. These competing narratives demonstrate how mega-events create a forum both for hosting states to disseminate their narratives and for critics to counter it, it also demonstrates how the values of a mega-event can be instrumentalised by critics to attack and delegitimate the hosting state.Show less
Using Okinawa as a case study, this thesis focuses on how U.S. military bases have spread American culture and values in East Asia during and after the Cold War. Due to how the U.S. military...Show moreUsing Okinawa as a case study, this thesis focuses on how U.S. military bases have spread American culture and values in East Asia during and after the Cold War. Due to how the U.S. military institution forms the context within which cultural transfer takes place between the host community and the military community, the main question posed is whether or not (American) culture may in this case be depoliticised.Show less
This dissertation focuses on the ideas and beliefs of Hendrik Brugmans, an interesting and influential man during the start of the European integration process right after the Second World War.
Deze scriptie beslaat de Amerikaanse partijsysteemwisselingen van de 20ste en 21ste eeuw. Een partijsysteem is een periode van stabiele partijprogramma’s zoals een conservatieve Republikeinse...Show moreDeze scriptie beslaat de Amerikaanse partijsysteemwisselingen van de 20ste en 21ste eeuw. Een partijsysteem is een periode van stabiele partijprogramma’s zoals een conservatieve Republikeinse Partij en een progressieve Democratische Partij. Indien een partij wisselt van dominante ideologie en daarmee een ruime verkiezingsoverwinning behaalt, dan betreed men een nieuw politiek tijdperk; een partijsysteem. Er zijn zes partijsystemen geweest en het huidige (1980-heden?) is dan ook het ‘Zesde Partijsysteem’. De verkiezing van Donald Trump was een trendbreuk in de Republikeinse politiek en voldoet daarmee aan de eisen van een partijsysteemwisseling. Bij de voorgaande presidentsverkiezing (2012) was de Republikeinse kandidaat nog relatief gematigd; fiscaal-conservatief en kosmopolitisch met geloof in vrijhandel en globalisme. Het Trumpisme daarentegen heeft deze vrijhandelsideologie ingeruild voor een protectionistisch beleid. Waar de V.S. voorheen een intensivering van de internationale betrekkingen propageerde, is deze sinds Trump vervangen door een isolationistische koers. Dit blijkt uit conflicten met de NAVO, de EU en het uitreden van internationale verdragen. Concluderend, de partij van Reagan, de Bushes, McCain en Romney is onherkenbaar veranderd in slechts vier jaar tijd. Als de Republikeinen dus van ideologie zijn gewisseld, is er dan sprake van een partijsysteemwisseling? Wat waren de omstandigheden bij voorgaande partijsysteemwisselingen? En waren deze omstandigheden ook in 2016 aanwezig? Dit onderzoek tracht een antwoord te vinden of Trump het Zesde Partijsysteem heeft beëindigt door voorgaande partijsysteemwisselingen te analyseren (1932/1980). Hieruit is een ‘Transitiemodel’ ontwikkeld met vier factoren. Dit model kan worden toegepast op de huidige situatie waardoor er een antwoord kan worden gegeven of Trump het Zesde Partijsysteem heeft beëindigd. De onderzoeksvraag is dan ook: ‘’In welke mate kan geconcludeerd worden of Donald Trump een partijsysteemwisseling heeft veroorzaakt indien men de voorgaande partijsysteemwisselingen (1932/1980) analyseert en het daaruit ontwikkelde transitiemodel toepast op de verkiezingen van 2016?’'Show less
In 2011, the new Obama administration made the official decision to rebalance America’s foreign policy. This policy has come to be known as the pivot or rebalance and signaled that the center of...Show moreIn 2011, the new Obama administration made the official decision to rebalance America’s foreign policy. This policy has come to be known as the pivot or rebalance and signaled that the center of the political and economic history of the 21st century is moving eastwards, with a re-newed focus towards the Asia-Pacific. With this shift Washington not only wants to benefit from the global geopolitical dynamics and economic growth, but it is also a result of China’s rising economic and military power. The South China Sea (SCS) is a place which is on the way to becoming the most contested body of water in the world with ongoing territorial disputes.Show less
