Over het leven van de Antwerpse stadsklerk Jan van Boendale bestaat veel onzekerheid. Naast ambtelijke stukken schreef Boendale ook literaire werken zoals de Brabantsche yeesten; een stadskroniek...Show moreOver het leven van de Antwerpse stadsklerk Jan van Boendale bestaat veel onzekerheid. Naast ambtelijke stukken schreef Boendale ook literaire werken zoals de Brabantsche yeesten; een stadskroniek over de daden van de Brabantse hertogen tot en met zijn eigen tijd. Dit werkstuk is een verslag van het onderzoek naar de door Boendale omschreven Zeitgeschichte in het vijfde boek van de Brabantsche yeesten (naar de woorden 'ic' en 'mi' en aanverwante woorden als 'ons' en 'mijn' in het bijzonder) om te zien welke persoonlijke aantekeningen Boendale in zijn werk heeft gemaakt en wat die ons kunnen vertellen over zijn leven en zijn omgeving.Show less
The central source of this thesis is the 1498 incunable ''De Alder Excelletntse Cronyke van Brabant''. This is a history of the Brabantine saints and dukes. Of special interest is the narrative...Show moreThe central source of this thesis is the 1498 incunable ''De Alder Excelletntse Cronyke van Brabant''. This is a history of the Brabantine saints and dukes. Of special interest is the narrative about the tenth-century Duke of Lorraine, Otto, the last Carolingian duke. His sister Gerberga could not inherit Lorraine but after a century, Lorraine was in again in the possession of her lineage. This narrative is put in the 15th-century context of the political climate of the Burgundian states. The female line of legitimacy is of special interest.Show less
From the twelfth century onwards, a new culture of accountability spread throughout North-western Europe. Embedded within an ever growing body of written administrations and governmental...Show moreFrom the twelfth century onwards, a new culture of accountability spread throughout North-western Europe. Embedded within an ever growing body of written administrations and governmental bureaucracies, these novel accounting techniques reshaped relations between princes and their officials. This thesis describes this development in a comparative perspective through the study of the Scottish Exchequer and the Audit Chamber of Holland between 1477 and 1515. Comparing two peripheral areas on the fringes of the English and French cultural spheres of influence allows to re-evaluate persisting views of an inefficient and archaic Scottish Exchequer, as opposed to the 'Weberian ideal' of the Burgundian bureaucracy. Recent historiography shows that Scottish institutions in this period were different rather than backward when compared to their English 'big brother'. This appears to be as true for Scotland's auditing organisation as for the rest of its government. Both institutions primarily had a fiscal goal: the controlling of accounts, written financial records produced by accountable officials on both sides of the North Sea. Archival and judicial tasks supported this auditing process. Through a study of the format of important series of these accounts as well as their marginalia, it has been revealed that the daily practices surrounding the auditing process in Scotland and Holland showed important similarities. Notwithstanding this common ground, for a long time the audits and annotations in Holland seem to have been more elaborate than their Scottish counterparts. The latter show a clear development during the reign of James IV, making this a time of rather important innovations in Scotland. At the same time, consolidation rather than innovation could be observed in Holland. Ultimately, the central goal of all these auditing proceedings was the preservation of the royal or princely domain, in order to strengthen the government's financial position. Auditors in both Scotland and Holland possessed important tasks in the management- and assignation of individual domain goods, as well as judicial capacities that allowed them to enforce their authority upon minor accountable officials throughout the country. Through their work, the new written culture of probative accountability spread out over the country, becoming a daily reality for all that worked in any governmental position in either Scotland or Holland.Show less
Discusses the cultural and legal significance of clothing and nakedness in Old Frisian law. This significance consists of an economic connotation that ties clothing to the legal process, and the...Show moreDiscusses the cultural and legal significance of clothing and nakedness in Old Frisian law. This significance consists of an economic connotation that ties clothing to the legal process, and the function of clothing to cover and conceal parts of the body.Show less
Trial by combat had become a rare occurence by the 15th century. By analysing those combats that were described in Olivier de la Marche's book of advice on the subject, this thesis demonstrates...Show moreTrial by combat had become a rare occurence by the 15th century. By analysing those combats that were described in Olivier de la Marche's book of advice on the subject, this thesis demonstrates that trial by combat was no longer primarily about gathering evidence of guilt or innocence. Instead, most combats seem to have revolved around matters of honour or matters of state.Show less
The Capitulatio is a Carolingian capitulary outling the terms of Frankish rule in recently-conquered pagan Saxony. In a 2006 article in Viator titled "Charlemagne's Jyhad", professor Yitzhak Hen...Show moreThe Capitulatio is a Carolingian capitulary outling the terms of Frankish rule in recently-conquered pagan Saxony. In a 2006 article in Viator titled "Charlemagne's Jyhad", professor Yitzhak Hen suggested an alternative dating in 795 for the infamous capitulary, based on influence of Islamic thought. In this thesis his claims are evaluated. Hen's arguments are analysed and shown to be flawed and his alternative dating unlikely.Show less
Er is weinig onderzoek gedaan Van den derden Eduwaert geschreven door Jan van Boendalen. In deze scriptie wordt gekeken in hoeverre de genres: Kronieken, Annalen en Gesta van toepassing zijn op het...Show moreEr is weinig onderzoek gedaan Van den derden Eduwaert geschreven door Jan van Boendalen. In deze scriptie wordt gekeken in hoeverre de genres: Kronieken, Annalen en Gesta van toepassing zijn op het werk van Jan van Boendalen. Eerst worden de drie genres besproken en een definitie van gegeven. Uiteindelijk worden die definities naast Van den derden Eduwaert gelegd om te kijken in hoeverre elk genre van toepassing is en op welke manier.Show less
De scriptie laat zien dat de Schotse vorstenspiegel 'Meroure of Wyssdome' een voorbeeld is van hoe het denken over vrede gedurende de Middeleeuwen veranderde. Waar het in de eerste eeuwen van de...Show moreDe scriptie laat zien dat de Schotse vorstenspiegel 'Meroure of Wyssdome' een voorbeeld is van hoe het denken over vrede gedurende de Middeleeuwen veranderde. Waar het in de eerste eeuwen van de Middeleeuwen voornamelijk ging over het vermijden van oorlog, werd in de 15e eeuw de weg gebaand naar het pacifisme van de Renaissance.Show less
De eerste dagen van oktober 1470 moeten hele hectische dagen zijn geweest voor Lodewijk van Gruuthuse, stadhouder van Holland. Op vijf oktober bereikte hem onverwachts het nieuws dat koning Eduard...Show moreDe eerste dagen van oktober 1470 moeten hele hectische dagen zijn geweest voor Lodewijk van Gruuthuse, stadhouder van Holland. Op vijf oktober bereikte hem onverwachts het nieuws dat koning Eduard IV van Engeland, de rijzende zon van York (1461-1470, 1471-1483), Engeland halsoverkop had moeten verlaten en op Texel was geland. Zodra Gruuthuse dit nieuws bevestigd had gekregen, stuurde hij een bericht naar de hertog van Bourgondië, Karel de Stoute (1467-1475). De hertog wist waarschijnlijk al dat er iets ernstig fout aan het gaan was door geruchten uit Engeland. Op drie oktober had Richard Neville, bekend als de graaf van Warwick of de Kingmaker, Hendrik IV (1422-1461, 1470-1471) weer op de Engelse troon gezet. Het nieuws uit Engeland bereikte de hertog waarschijnlijk voor enig ander nieuws van Eduard zelf.1 Met de vlucht van Eduard kreeg EuropaShow less
This thesis is about the developements within medieval poor relief in Leiden. It follows the historiographical notion that big changes in this societal branch started earlier than believed in many...Show moreThis thesis is about the developements within medieval poor relief in Leiden. It follows the historiographical notion that big changes in this societal branch started earlier than believed in many cases. It tests this theory on the late medieval situation in the Saint Catherine hospital in Leiden. The primary source used are the accounts of the 'gasthuismeesters' of the aforementioned hospital.Show less
Waar over het algemeen wordt aangenomen dat de strijd tussen kerk en staat in de latere middeleeuwen ervoor zorgde dat het kerkelijk landschap ontwricht raakte en de kerkelijke goederen- en ambten...Show moreWaar over het algemeen wordt aangenomen dat de strijd tussen kerk en staat in de latere middeleeuwen ervoor zorgde dat het kerkelijk landschap ontwricht raakte en de kerkelijke goederen- en ambten diens geestelijk karakter verloren, toont de casus laatmiddeleeuws Friesland aan dat er ook sprake kan zijn van het tegendeel. In deze scriptie wordt dit tegendeel belicht door de statutenwijziging van 1505, opgesteld door de orde van Prémontré, naast de toestand in het laatmiddeleeuws Fries kerkelijk landschap te leggen, en in het bijzonder het Friese Premonstratenzersklooster Mariëngaarde. Op deze wijze wordt niet alleen duidelijk dat de geestelijke ambities, die goed naar voren komen in de statutenwijziging van 1505, tot op zekere hoogte overeenkomen met wereldlijke ambities, maar ook dat het Fries kerkelijk landschap weer in herstel werd gebracht door het optreden van wereldlijke machten.Show less
Bibliographical Essay Bertrand du Guesclin (1302?-1380) is one of the national heroes of France. Although he was of lower birth, he attained the highest military position in France as connétable –...Show moreBibliographical Essay Bertrand du Guesclin (1302?-1380) is one of the national heroes of France. Although he was of lower birth, he attained the highest military position in France as connétable – or constable – of France. He was one of the outstanding military leaders of the Hundred Year’s War (1337-1453) between France and England. Bertrand became known after he defeated Sir Thomas Canterbury (of whom hardly anything is known) in the “fight of the century” and the successful defense of Rennes against an English siege in 1356-57. He was appointed captain of Pontorson. His next major victory was at the Battle of Cocherel in 1364 when he defeated the troops of Charles II the Bad (1332-1387), the king of Navarra. In 1366 and in 1369 Bertrand led bands of mercenaries, also known as the compagnies, out of France and into Spain to bring more peace to France and to help Henry of Trastámara (1334-1379), to gain the throne on his half-brother Peter I the Cruel (1334-1369). In 1370 he was appointed connétable, recalled from Spain to fight the English again. The next few years he gave the French several victories, but died in 1380 besieging an English fortress at Châteauneuf-de-Randon. During the years following Bertrand’s death in 1380, a rhymed chronicle was written. The exact year is unknown, although it must be before 1392 – a copy of the manuscript exists in England and is dated between 1380-1392. The chronicle is most commonly named La vie valliant de Bertran du Guesclin and exists of approximately 22.790 verses. Most is unknown about this work. There is no mention that La vie valliant was commissioned by anyone, and the remarks to the sources used are vague. Even the name of the author is not certain. Most modern historians call him ‘Cuvelier’. The author names himself in the 21th verse, but the names differ in the manuscripts. His relationship towards Bertrand is completely unknown. It has been said – and some modern historians take it for certain – that Cuvelier was the same as Jehan Li Cuneliers, a poet in service of the king. The names ‘Cuvelier’ and ‘Cunelier’ can easily be read as the same when hand-written. There are six chansons known by this Cunelier, which are apparently similar to La vie valliant. However, it has also been said that Cunelier died too early to be the composer of La vie valliant. La vie valliant has been received in very different manners. Some base their biographies of Bertand du Guesclin completely on this work. Others claim that the author never met Bertrand and that La vie valliant should not be used as a reliable source. At least it can be said that since the manuscripts sometimes differ on numbers and names, one should not take everything literally. Some mistakes have also been pointed out in years and locations. This variety in reception by modern authors has something to do with the questions concerning the commissioner and the sources of this work. When one assumes that the king, Philip the Bold (1342-1404) was the commissioner of La vie valliant, it makes sense that the author had entry to more official sources. Other historians assume that Cuvelier came by his ‘facts’ by talking to Bertrand’s family and comrades-at-arms. The theory that one accepts, determines the amount of authority this work is given. Therefore, I would like to research to which extent Cuvelier’s sources can be found by analyzing the hints and indications in his work – and by analyzing the ‘mistakes’ Cuvelier has made. The question of the sources used by Cuvelier answers to these discussions – about his identity and his authority. Also, to analyze his sources would give us a deeper insight of medieval chroniclers, how they worked, what they could do or could not do. Thereby, this question has not been asked yet. There is no paper which analyzes both views on Cuvelier, their pros and cons. Yet I think the discussion on Cuvelier needs, and lacks, exactly that. Roughly, it can be said that the discussion consists of two camps: one that argues La vie valliant was commissioned by the king and was based on official sources, and the other which argues that it was based on eye-witness stories. Strange enough, of this latter camp, only Coryn accepts eyewitness’ stories as a reliable source. In this debate, Dupuy and Tixier represents the side which don’t consider Cuvelier reliable, Charrière and Jamison merely neutrally list the arguments, and Chattaway, Jacob, Lemoine and a library-website represent the pro-Cuvelier side. I will start searching for Cuvelier’s sources by first explaining his work more deeply. What Cuvelier does say – and what he doesn’t. Several manuscripts which contain la vie valliant have been lost or are at least not where they once were. The problem finding the manuscripts comes from the fact that most historians nowadays use the printed version of la vie valliant by Charrière – a far more available source, but one who has mixed several manuscripts. The master thesis by Yvonne Vermijn has been very helpful in locating the remaining manuscripts. In this thesis she analyzes the relationship between these manuscripts, which is very useful when it comes to getting as close as possible to the original work. Another helpful book here has been written by De la Poix, the only biography on Du Guesclin I have been able to find so far that uses La Roumant de Rertrand de Glayequin – a Breton version of la vie valliant. For a more general view on chronicles in the late fourteen century I plan to use the noticed book by Given-Wilson and an article by Menache. In the second chapter I will give an overview of the two sides in the discussion. What are the arguments for thinking Cuvelier could be Cunelier? What are the arguments for him not to be? To which extent are they provable? In the third chapter I will present the works that other historians thought were Cuvelier’s sources and his hints to believe so, and the arguments, of course, not to believe so. Last but not least I will present a list with the ‘mistakes’ made by Cuvelier. To which extent can they lead back to his position or sources – or are maybe not even mistakes at all? There are ‘mistakes’ pointed out in books by Stoddard and Tixier, and an article by Levine. Charrière has also marked some ‘mistakes’ in his printed version of la vie valliant. One I have found myself – Cuvelier describes a meeting with, amongst others, the English general Chandos, whereas Chandos, according to his own work – was not present at all.Show less
Rentmeesters moesten elk jaar verantwoording afleggen aan de desbetreffende vorst. In het begin werden rekeningen van Holland, Zeeland en Henegouwen afgehoord door de graaf en de Raad. De graaf en...Show moreRentmeesters moesten elk jaar verantwoording afleggen aan de desbetreffende vorst. In het begin werden rekeningen van Holland, Zeeland en Henegouwen afgehoord door de graaf en de Raad. De graaf en zijn raadsleden hoorden letterlijk af, hoe de rentmeester zijn rekeningen oplas. Met de komst van de Bourgondische hertogen veranderde het afhoren van de rekening naar het intensief controleren ervan door specialisten. Dit resulteerde uiteindelijk in het ontstaan van de Rekenkamer. Dit onderzoek wordt geanalyseerd in hoeverre de cultuur van rekenschap veranderde in Zeeland in de periode van de Bourgondische hertogen?Show less
Dit onderzoek gaat over het wapenschild van Neder-Lotharingen tussen 1100-1500. De nadruk van het onderzoek zal liggen op het relatief late verschijning van het wapenschild en mogelijke oorzaken...Show moreDit onderzoek gaat over het wapenschild van Neder-Lotharingen tussen 1100-1500. De nadruk van het onderzoek zal liggen op het relatief late verschijning van het wapenschild en mogelijke oorzaken hiervoor.Show less
This thesis argues that the story about Melibeus must be read as a call for peace, and that each version was written to comment on specific events. The versions of Jan van Boendale and Dirc Potter...Show moreThis thesis argues that the story about Melibeus must be read as a call for peace, and that each version was written to comment on specific events. The versions of Jan van Boendale and Dirc Potter are compared and examined against the political and cultural background of their writers.Show less
After the death of duchess Mary of Burgundy in 1482, the Netherlands faced a regency crisis as her heir Philip the Handsome was still a minor. For the better part of a decade, the boy's father,...Show moreAfter the death of duchess Mary of Burgundy in 1482, the Netherlands faced a regency crisis as her heir Philip the Handsome was still a minor. For the better part of a decade, the boy's father, Maximilian of Austria combatted alternative governments erected by a coalition of the unruly Flemish cities and the most important members of the Netherlandish aristocracy. This being the first time in the Netherlands that the nobility took part in what is ostensibly an urban revolt, it is worth examing what the relationship between Maximilian and the nobility was. The punishments doled out afterward are an ideal way to assess such a relationship, since they show clear results and allow for direct comparisons. In this thesis, I argue that the severity of a punishment depended mostly on the prospect of a nobleman's utility afterwards, where ties to major urban centres and to the Burgundian dynasty were prime qualities. Furthermore, I attempt to show that beyond the actual punishment, the narrative form in which events are recounted and made by rhetoric and ritual involved in the surrenders and trials constitute a vital part of the conflict and its peace negotiations for these honour-focused nobles.Show less
