Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Peacebuilding is a critical element of both real-world international relations and academic conflict resolution. Cosmopolitan peacebuilding scholars and critics have entered into a debate in recent...Show morePeacebuilding is a critical element of both real-world international relations and academic conflict resolution. Cosmopolitan peacebuilding scholars and critics have entered into a debate in recent years. Each group makes different assumption, arguments, and predictions about what motivates the actors engaged in peacebuilding; how such activities are designed, organized, and implemented; and what the outcomes and impact of peacebuilding are. In this thesis, I examine history education reform projects in Bosnia and Macedonia in order to determine which theory has greater explanatory power. I find that these two cases generally support the assumptions, arguments, and predictions of cosmopolitan peacebuilding scholars. However, these projects also validate several points made by critics. My findings have many important implications for the conflict resolution and history education fields.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
UNASUR currently represents one of the most promising regionalization projects currently taking place. One of its unique characteristics is the high level of security sector integration that has...Show moreUNASUR currently represents one of the most promising regionalization projects currently taking place. One of its unique characteristics is the high level of security sector integration that has already taken place in the short few years since its inception. This is particularly interesting as it is in stark contrast with the security sector regionalization of Europe. Despite its much longer history of regionalization, European security sector integration is still fragmented into many different organizations with overlapping goals, and whose members often include countries outside the European boarder. In the face of this apparent success in its regionalist ambitions, one can not help but question: What is the logic behind South American security sector regionalism under UNASUR? Furthermore, how and why does its regionalists efforts differ from those of the EU? Through an analysis of how Regional Security Complex Theory, New Regionalism Approach, and Post-Hegemonic Regionalism interpret both the genesis and functionality of UNASUR, one is able to find some important insights with regards to South America’s security sector integration. Geographically contingent security concerns, intensified by the impacts of globalization, has lead South American states to pursuit a unique security arrangement, which rejects the neoliberal orthodoxy and the hegemonic presence of the United States. Unlike Europe, South America’s security complex does not overlap with other regions and, most importantly, does not include the presence of the United Sates. Furthermore, Europe has carried over many of its Cold War era security mechanisms, in large part due to its embrace of the Washington Consensus and the neoliberal economic orthodoxy. This analysis addresses the broader issues regarding the transferability of theoretical approaches across different regions, but perhaps more interestingly it hints at the potential for the wider security regionalization of the Americas, and whether it will seek to align with, or reject the presence of the US hegemon.Show less
This thesis looks at the relationship between regional integration and the number of conflicts. It compares this relationship to the one between two variables that have been shown to have an effect...Show moreThis thesis looks at the relationship between regional integration and the number of conflicts. It compares this relationship to the one between two variables that have been shown to have an effect on the number of conflicts in other studies: democratic freedom and prosperity. The study is conducted using descriptive statistics and statistical analysis with data from various publicly available datasets for each of the variables. The dataset for regional integration is compiled based on the theoretical framework proposed by Balassa (1962) and uses regional economic integration as its basis. 175 countries in five geographical regions are observed over a period of 21 years from 1991 to 2011. The study finds that each of the three variables has an effect on the number of conflicts, in most, but not all cases the variables have an inverse relationship with the number of conflicts. The two control variables have a much more significant effect on the number of conflicts than regional integration, with democratic freedom having an effect in all but one observed region. Regional integration’s effect on the number of conflicts increased in significance over the observed time period.Show less
This thesis analyzes how variations in regional polarity influence the processes of regional cooperation. A small N-analysis has been made on Mercosur, the League of Arab States and ASEAN. These...Show moreThis thesis analyzes how variations in regional polarity influence the processes of regional cooperation. A small N-analysis has been made on Mercosur, the League of Arab States and ASEAN. These organizations are the most institutionalized forms of cooperation in three distinctive regions: Southern-America, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia. The configuration of polarity is determined by the distribution of material capabilities amongst states. Therefore, the more symmetrical the distribution the larger the amount of regional powers present within the region. Theory asserts that as the amount of regional powers increases, prospects for regional cooperation decrease. Indeed, the findings show that a regional bipolar configuration is more prone to cooperation than a multipolar setting. The case of unipolarity in ASEAN has limited generalizability.Show less
