Purpose – This paper argues that education alone will not solve China’s AI talent shortage crisis. To successfully attract top international and domestic talent, China needs to reposition itself in...Show morePurpose – This paper argues that education alone will not solve China’s AI talent shortage crisis. To successfully attract top international and domestic talent, China needs to reposition itself in modern and people-centered ways. AI talent must be valued by companies (like Baidu, Alibaba, and Tencent) and the government. Design/methodology/approach – This research adopts a two-part qualitative analysis. The policy document analysis utilizes the New Generation Artificial Intelligence Development Plan (NGAIDP) to identify a central framework. The secondary content analysis is an analysis of job advertisements and company websites of Baidu, Alibaba, and Tencent. Findings – Baidu, Alibaba, and Tencent, are not equal in how they appeal to prospective employees. The consequence of this is the impact on the AI talent shortage crisis; without being able to attract the best talent in the world – China faces the disadvantage of not becoming the world leader in artificial intelligence by 2030. Research limitations/implications –The study has several unaccounted variables, including the recruiter and the impact of COVID on employee value proposition. Furthermore, this study assumes that EVP is cross-cultural. Practical implications – The Chinese government places much value on the artificial intelligence training of youth rather than the importance of talent retention and attraction. It is evident via the NGAIDP that companies are responsible for following the values of the Chinese Communist Party. However, there is little to be said about the human value of employees and the necessity for China’s tech giants to find practical solutions. In addition, the criticism from Western scholars toward China’s AI national ecosystem is based on fear and assumption – without realizing that China’s tech companies face the challenge of appealing to a highly educated generation of AI talent. Originality/value – This paper takes a different approach to investigating the NGAIDP and combining it with research outside the traditional Chinese-studies scholarship. The combination of Chinese scholarship with Human Resources scholarship adds depth to the discussion of employee value in China and how companies should be moving forward in the future. Keywords - China, New Generation Artificial Intelligence Development Plan, AI Talent, Baidu, Alibaba, Tencent (BAT), Employee Value Proposition, Talent ManagementShow less
This thesis researches the different view of China on soft power by analysing China's media discourse in Chinese English-language media channels on Covid-19. The Chinese government has a more...Show moreThis thesis researches the different view of China on soft power by analysing China's media discourse in Chinese English-language media channels on Covid-19. The Chinese government has a more different stance in believing that soft power can be generated and created, similar to hard power being created with the use of greater military force and economic power. Soft power, in Nye’s view, is a by-product of other things, not something you can “create” in and of itself. A notable shift in narrative can be identified between the two periods and media channels selected for this thesis. Consequently, China’s attempt at creating soft power is made visible by this shift in narrative.Show less
This thesis investigates the topic of nationalism in Weibo posts that discuss the detention of Meng Wanzhou, Chief Financial Officer (CFO) of Huawei. After the arrest, Weibo users quickly connected...Show moreThis thesis investigates the topic of nationalism in Weibo posts that discuss the detention of Meng Wanzhou, Chief Financial Officer (CFO) of Huawei. After the arrest, Weibo users quickly connected this case with broader nationalist topics, resulting in different types of nationalist reactions. This study describes how these reactions reflect, create or shape a nationalist discourse. This was done in three parts: first of all, I examined how the countries of Canada, the US and China are described. The analysis reveals that the comments describe the US as the active culprit and Canada as a more passive, docile country. Secondly, the question was formulated as to how Meng was described, as a person, as CFO of Huawei, and as a Chinese, in order to gain more insight into how these different layers of her identity coincide or contrast. This part concludes that most commenters express their support for Meng, but that her wealth and unclarity regarding her citizenship can result in a decrease of support. Finally, I investigated the ways in which nationalism can be converted into action. It became clear how consumption and nationalism can be linked: many Weibo users suggested to initiate a boycott, mainly against Apple. Simultaneously, others also reflected on the efficacy of such measures.Show less
On January 1st 2020 China will enact a new Foreign Investment Law. Even before its enactment, this law is already a hot topic of debate: it is the first time in 40 years since the Foreign...Show moreOn January 1st 2020 China will enact a new Foreign Investment Law. Even before its enactment, this law is already a hot topic of debate: it is the first time in 40 years since the Foreign Investment Laws were fundamentally updated, it is an attempt to ease trade and diplomatic relations with the U.S. and it is supposed to ease market access and improve the business environment, the latter elements being a source of friction between China and other countries. Because China’s previous economic and foreign investment policies have allowed it to become a major player in global trade, this change in legislature can be seen as both a natural extension of its current policies to adjust to its changing domestic economy as well as a pivoting point in its competition for dominance in the global trade market. While this law has not been enacted yet, it is interesting to put it in context of everchanging legislature in China and its process of “opening up”. That was one of the slogans of the great reforms in 1978, but appears to still be a major theme today. Foreign investment is a matter of relations of China with other countries, and the most recent and compelling tensions involve China-U.S. trade relations. This law therefore has the potential to reshape relations between two major powers. China changing its foreign policy undoubtedly has effects on global trade, and while it is difficult to measure its real effects, global actors are already responding. This thesis will look into the relation between China and the U.S. in particular. The central friction between China and the U.S. has not changed since President Trump took office in 2016, but the issues between China and the U.S. have taken on new forms with the imposed tariffs that marked the beginning of a trade dispute in 2018. Other issues that the U.S. has with China are the licensing process, as a business start-up has to be approved by the government and businesses have to give a lot of information, which is feared to increase Chinese competition and China’s “negative investment list”, which describes some industries that are not open for investment, and forced technology transfer. In addition, the U.S. has accused China before of undervaluing the RMB (the Chinese currency) and has complained about an uneven trade surplus for China, while the U.S. is left with a trade deficit. On the other hand, there are differences since President Trump took office in the White House. A very straightforward difference is that President Trump uses twitter to announce and change his mind on policies towards China in terms of trade, making China-U.S. relations unstable. Also, placing tariffs on Chinese goods is a measure not easily resorted to by previous presidents of the U.S. Still, this measure is an extension of the already present displeasure of the trade deficit between the U.S. and China. For the sake of the scope and conciseness, this thesis will limit itself to the period of the Trump administration (from 2016 onward). Usually, analyses are made of how economics, or rather economic development, influences International Relations, but in this thesis, since the mutual influence of IR and economics is considered self-evident and the law is meant to send a message to the international community, I will look at the language aspect of law, how the newly adopted Foreign Investment Law is interpreted in China and the U.S. and how it translates itself to China-U.S. relations. This thesis therefore will try to answer the following question: What does China try to communicate with the new Foreign Investment Law and how is it received in the United States? In the attempt to answer this question I will discuss the new Foreign Investment Law, compare it with the three existing ones, look at statements and speeches from the U.S. government on China’s new Foreign Investment Law, comments on the draft and final versions and other files that are representative of the situation and view of the U.S. government on China’s Foreign Investment Law. This will be put under the framework of expressive and communicative functions of law, as it helps us understand why a law and this specific law has relevance: it does not exist on its own, but tells a story of what China hopes to achieve with the alteration and how a global actor like the U.S. reacts. In addition, Beijing and Washington consensus will be briefly discussed, as to give some background to help understand from which the root of differences and similarities in statements from China and the U.S. about each other originates in an economic sense, since they are commenting on foreign investment.Show less
In recent years, the complex relationship between Hong Kong society and the growing Mainland Chinese political influence has led to active outbursts of civil dissatisfaction. A large component of...Show moreIn recent years, the complex relationship between Hong Kong society and the growing Mainland Chinese political influence has led to active outbursts of civil dissatisfaction. A large component of this unease is the anti-Mainland sentiment, aimed at both the government and Chinese immigrants and tourists. Additionally, the prevalence of the Mandarin language and the Simplified Chinese script has increased, in local schools, on television, in the workplace and in the streets. Since both the language issues of Hong Kong and the socio-political issues associated with the Mainland Chinese influence have gotten increasing attention, it makes one wonder whether there is a form of correlation and plausible causation between these two factors. Thus, using news articles, social media, a survey and youth responses this paper will attempt to answer the question; Do attitudes regarding the Mandarin and Cantonese language in Hong Kong reflect a political stance vis-à-vis Mainland China and Hong Kong?Show less
