With a ubiquitous contemporary discourse on China’s hegemonic rise and current territorial disputes in the South China Sea, China’s historical rivals joining the major power’s grand economic...Show moreWith a ubiquitous contemporary discourse on China’s hegemonic rise and current territorial disputes in the South China Sea, China’s historical rivals joining the major power’s grand economic projects seems anomalous. This paper will show that despite historically problematic China-Vietnam relations, Vietnam still agreed upon joining the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI) due to a dependence on China for national survival. More specifically, an economic interdependence forces Vietnam to cooperate with China on projects like the BRI, as Vietnam’s regime legitimation relies on economic growth. This reality is more so related to the implications of Vietnam hypothetically refusing, than to agreeing to join however. Defection instead of cooperating on the BRI, would make Vietnam’s economic growth precarious as Vietnam is familiar with how China reciprocates these choices. Although this still leaves multiple factors forcing Vietnam’s BRI membership an unlikely reality, this paper will show that these factors are overridden by the US as a significant actor when it comes to Vietnam's cooperation on the BRI. And when it comes to reasons why China has decided to integrate a ‘historical enemy’ into the BRI, one will find that China’s contemporary dependence on Vietnam is a significant variable in the matter. These findings will be made apparent by applying game theory’s prisoner's dilemma to the bilateral event of Vietnam joining China’s grand economic initiative.Show less
The New Order government (1966-1998) put great emphasis on developing Indonesia's agricultural sector. In this thesis, I aim to trace back the origin of this emphasis to the Dutch colonial regime...Show moreThe New Order government (1966-1998) put great emphasis on developing Indonesia's agricultural sector. In this thesis, I aim to trace back the origin of this emphasis to the Dutch colonial regime during the period of its Ethical Policy (1901-1942). Specifically, I explore the argument whether the New Order elites' historical experience of a bureaucratic Dutch colonial state can explain the New Order government's emphasis on agriculture. I argue that the existing state in the Indonesian archipelago in either period may not be as strongly bureaucratic as previously thought, that the argument of the New Order elites' historical experience of a bureaucratic Dutch colonial state may not explain the New Order government's emphasis on agriculture, and that both regimes' approaches to agricultural development may not be viewed entirely as state-led. These conclusions call for a reassessment of the existing state in the Indonesian archipelago in both periods together with a shift from state-centred to state-society approaches.Show less
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has been deemed as the most successful regional grouping in the history of Southeast Asia, most notorious for its achievement in creating and...Show moreAssociation of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has been deemed as the most successful regional grouping in the history of Southeast Asia, most notorious for its achievement in creating and maintaining peace and stability in the region comprising 10 countries with vastly diverse political, economic and socio-cultural background. The territorial claims concerning South China Sea by four ASEAN countries (Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Philippines and Viet Nam) against China remains the most pressing challenge for the region up to the present day. While ASEAN has taken up the issue under its multilateral framework in which ASEAN and China have been working towards a code of conduct in South China Sea, it is found that ASEAN itself is inconsistent in its position when it comes to South China Sea as evident in its political stance through its annual statement and communique. Such inconsistency is in line with various critics on ASEAN’s informal and weak institutionalisation due to its lack of sense of regional belonging. As ASEAN itself has repeatedly emphasises the need of ASEAN centrality in regional and international set up, the foresaid issue is inarguably a testament to ASEAN centrality. Taking into account that the conduct of ASEAN depends very much on its annually rotated chairmanship, in which the chair has the responsibility to ensure ASEAN centrality, this thesis aims to investigate how a country’s national identity affect its regional identity under ASEAN’s regionalism with regard to the South China Sea issue through ASEAN chairmanship. To this end, this thesis investigates how Myanmar, Malaysia and Lao People’s Democratic Republic (PDR), as ASEAN chairs in 2014, 2015 and 2016, respectively, led ASEAN in achieving a common position on South China Sea and how prominent are their national identities in their undertakings.Show less
