This thesis examines the impact of foreign direct investment (FDI) on working conditions in Thailand and Vietnam. I hypothesise that FDI has a positive effect on working conditions, and that the...Show moreThis thesis examines the impact of foreign direct investment (FDI) on working conditions in Thailand and Vietnam. I hypothesise that FDI has a positive effect on working conditions, and that the effect is more pronounced in Vietnam where institutions appear to be stronger and the labour force is entitled to more rights, including the rights to organise and collective bargaining. As previous research has shown, contrary to the common notion of ‘race to the bottom’, FDI is attracted to countries with adequate labour policies. Further, governments play an important role in creating positive spill overs of FDI through the establishment of labour institutions, unions, and wage policies. The analysis has shown that the Thai government’s policies, despite some amendments to its legal framework, are less labour- friendly than Vietnam’s. In Vietnam, however, labour institutions and unions’ top members still lack neutrality and legislation doesn’t promote active employee participation. To conclude, the impact of FDI on labour conditions appears to be stronger in Vietnam, thanks to more labour-oriented policies and institutions.Show less
This thesis aims to assess whether China and Japan’s strategies have both followed a similar economic diplomacy strategy when engaging with third countries and the corresponding projects, the Belt...Show moreThis thesis aims to assess whether China and Japan’s strategies have both followed a similar economic diplomacy strategy when engaging with third countries and the corresponding projects, the Belt and Road Initiative and the Free and Open Indo-Pacific strategy. While a specific motivation can be hard to pinpoint, the economic diplomacy tools they used are identifiable from agreements, public correspondence by officials or news articles that discuss reactions to the projects. Considering the case studies and the blueprints of the Free and Open Indo Pacific strategy and the Belt and Road Initiative, it is possible to conclude that Japan follows with the FOIP nearly the same or at least a very similar strategy to the BRI of China. The case studies do not always remain within the established movements of the BRI and FOIP in the used framework. The movements are along the axes of economic diplomacy primarily are between commercial and trade diplomacy. China in particular shows that it is willing to go further than Japan with using the tools of commercial diplomacy. Moreover, China is also willing to go further than Japan if they are not getting a formal participation in the BRI from another country, compared to the FOIP.Show less
Tourism is often claimed to be the world biggest industry, but there is no clear idea of what is included and what is excluded.Chinese outbound tourism has grown from 4.5 million departures in 1995...Show moreTourism is often claimed to be the world biggest industry, but there is no clear idea of what is included and what is excluded.Chinese outbound tourism has grown from 4.5 million departures in 1995 to 143 million in 2017 (World Bank, 2019a). Given the growing importance of tourism flows from China, it seems relevant to pay closer attention to the roles of the government, policy-making and the ambiguity laying in the outcomes in the context of outbound tourism. The Chinese government uses outbound tourism as a diplomatic mean to build soft power by deploying various strategies: from approved destination status, to culture activities, foreign aid and tourism cooperation mechanisms. The people-to-people interaction as a tool of soft power has still too many limits, though its potential has been interiorized by the Chinese government who is taking action in rolling out policies and regulations to optimize Chinese tourists ethical and business behaviours abroad.Show less
The scope of this research is to figure out why, despite all the “infrastructure for resources” kind of investments undertaken by the Chinese, Sub-Saharan countries have not yet solved their...Show moreThe scope of this research is to figure out why, despite all the “infrastructure for resources” kind of investments undertaken by the Chinese, Sub-Saharan countries have not yet solved their widespread poverty issue. More specifically, the focus will be on Angola; a country that experienced extraordinary GDP growth in the first years of the economic partnership with China, yet poverty among the population remains rampant. Therefore, in order to discover what might explain a lack of economic development in a particular country that receives a great amount of infrastructure-related investments from China, I will firstly list four aspects that have been claimed to be destructive for the sustainable economic development of a country. These are: the non-interference approach adopted by China, the Chinese companies’ hiring policy, the lack of good governance and the disadvantage of the resource curse, by which many African countries are affected. After that, I will analyse these aspects in the more specific case of Angola in order to investigate which obstacles are inhibiting its economic development in actuality. Finally, I will argue that if the Angolan government solves its governance issues and adopts adequate measures to change the structure of the national economy, then, China will presumably be able to provide good opportunities to further stimulate economic development. However, if nothing is changed at the governance level, it is very unlikely that an economic transformation will ever take place.Show less
As the Global War on Terror increased counterterrorism in Indonesia, Indonesian Jihadi groups found themselves in a new position. On the one hand, counterterrorism units destroyed their...Show moreAs the Global War on Terror increased counterterrorism in Indonesia, Indonesian Jihadi groups found themselves in a new position. On the one hand, counterterrorism units destroyed their organization. On the other hand, it encouraged them to ally with international terrorist networks such as Al-Qaeda and ISIL. This thesis provides an analysis of the Indonesian government’s counterterrorism strategy towards the rising threat of terrorism. In order to understand this relationship, this thesis looks into the role of counterterrorism on the alliance formation process of local Jihadi groups with larger international network. After the Bali bombings in 2002, the Indonesian government started to build its counterterrorism capacity according to good governance principles. Counterterrorism efforts where sharpened, and with success: Indonesia’s largest Jihadi group Jemaah Islamiyah, was largely dismantled by Indonesian counterterrorism units. However, through the funding of Al-Qaeda, Jemaah Islamiyah was able to conduct several other attacks. This left the government no choice than to increase the role of the Indonesian Military in counterterrorism operations. More raids, arrests and killings of Indonesian Jihadi members stimulated the number of terrorist attacks against the Indonesian government and thus, revenge became one of the primary reasons for terrorism. This thesis finds that the relationship between counterterrorism and terrorism is an increasing spiral of violence. Furthermore, counterterrorism units have been able to weaken local Jihadi groups’ internal strength. The findings show that this internal breakdown has influenced some of the local Jihadi’s group decision to ally with larger international networks such as Al-Qaeda and ISIL.Show less
A large number of Southeast Asian female immigrants married Taiwanese men and have resided in Taiwan with a marital status since the 1990s. They are now the fifth biggest ethnic group and are...Show moreA large number of Southeast Asian female immigrants married Taiwanese men and have resided in Taiwan with a marital status since the 1990s. They are now the fifth biggest ethnic group and are officially called ‘New Immigrants’ in Taiwan. According to the Taiwan Social Change Survey conducted by Academia Sinica about the public attitude towards Southeast Asian marriage immigrants in 2004 and 2014 respectively, we find an evident pattern that the overall public attitude towards Southeast Asian marriage immigrants has become more positive and inclusive during this decade. In this thesis, on the basis of the survey data, I argue that the marriage immigrants’ social capital plays a pivotal role in the transformation of public discourse in Taiwan. I apply the theory of social capital to analyze how the New Immigrants’ social capital is generated, accumulated and exchanged, and focus on three forms of social capital: bonding, bridging and linking. I propose that a broad social network based on their social capitals enabling marriage immigrants to participate in public affairs is the core element which affects the overall attitude of the host country.Show less
This thesis researches to what extent Indonesian online based media create a discourse that emphasize the Chinese-Christian identity of Basuki Thjahaja Purnama (Ahok) as a minority during the...Show moreThis thesis researches to what extent Indonesian online based media create a discourse that emphasize the Chinese-Christian identity of Basuki Thjahaja Purnama (Ahok) as a minority during the Jakarta gubernatorial elections of 2017. The thesis employs a qualitative discourse analysis method that researches online articles of news portals Tempo.co, Kompas, and The Jakarta Post. To understand discourse on the Chinese-Christian identity in its proper context, first is researched what the Chinese identity means within Indonesian society by taking a historical perspective. Secondly, this thesis explores the role of religion in modern Indonesian politics as well as the political and religious context of the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial elections. News articles linked to Ahok’s blasphemy case, demonstrations against Ahok, and the elections are selected for analysis. In total 42 articles have been analyzed. The results show that there is difference in writing styles between English and Indonesian language based online news portals. Whereas the Indonesian language based news portals remain neutral to Ahok’s identity as Christian-Chinese by not referring to it, the English language based The Jakarta Post creates a narrative in which Ahok is emphasized as part of a Christian-Chinese minority.Show less
In this thesis, I analyze the effectiveness of community-based management (CBM), as a participatory governance system, for securing the access to fishery resources and coastal land of small-scale...Show moreIn this thesis, I analyze the effectiveness of community-based management (CBM), as a participatory governance system, for securing the access to fishery resources and coastal land of small-scale indigenous communities, whose livelihoods have been previously threatened by market-led and government-supported dispossessions, known as ocean grabbing. From CBM experiences in Coron Island in the Philippines, Gili Indah in Indonesia and Patos Lagoon in Brazil, I found that CBM is a powerful tool to put forward legislative pressure for placing pro-community norms and institutions and, to create public awareness on environmental degradation and fishermen marginalization. However, without the support from government authorities or NGOs, the lack of education and competition for resources among fishermen prevent the creation of a comprehensive system for conflict resolution and community administration over resources.Show less
