China desires to gain knowledge that is required to sophisticate its economy. This primarily involves investments in strategic sectors in Europe, which is increasingly received with anxiety and...Show moreChina desires to gain knowledge that is required to sophisticate its economy. This primarily involves investments in strategic sectors in Europe, which is increasingly received with anxiety and scepticism by European leaders. Therefore, an alternative for China to attain significant technological insights is open innovation. This research argues that this is a useful way of obtaining mutually profitable research and development. However, such a partnership requires confidence that is currently lacking. Therefore, this research answers the question: To what extent does the EU’s perception of China impede the Sino-EU cooperation on innovation? This dissertation examines this issue by analysing how the EU view on China influences trust towards this partner, and what this entails for open innovation. It is found that present preconceived negative notions on China lead to distrust. On certain issues, control mechanisms compensate for this lack of trust. However, more trust or control remains to be needed in order for future open innovation in this bilateral relationship to blossom.Show less
China’s rise came with relatively modest objectives compared to their weight; they have not been trying to rule the Asia-Pacific let alone the world. Recently, however, Beijing has started to more...Show moreChina’s rise came with relatively modest objectives compared to their weight; they have not been trying to rule the Asia-Pacific let alone the world. Recently, however, Beijing has started to more pro-actively claim their space in the international community, best exemplified by their establishment of the Asian Infrastructure and Investment Bank (AIIB) in 2013. This multilateral development bank is part of China’s “great power diplomacy“ efforts launched by Xi Jinping, a bank of which the ideological and political motivations remain unclear and are speculated upon among media and within academic circles. Hence this paper’s focus on the question “why did China establish the AIIB and what motivations have informed its creation?”. Using the Neo-Gramscian critical theory of hegemony for international relations, this paper focuses on ideas and ideological narratives that could have potentially informed the motivations behind the creation of the AIIB. The paper is a response to the predominantly realist and liberal institutionalist literature on China’s rise, and aims to go beyond the self-affirming nature of state-centric analysis. The literature review is structured around three central topics: China’s rise and internationalization, its engagement with institutions and multilateralism, and the establishment of the AIIB. Following the literature review, the case study investigates a possible interrelation between China’s historical political traditions, Xi’s recent ambitions in global governance, and the motivations behind the creation of the AIIB. The paper argues that the creation of the AIIB is informed by a number of motivations that are beyond its official narrative, namely that the bank 1) redistributes the industrial overcapacity of China’s core industries; 2) helps maintain economic growth by opening up new markets, or as an 3) alternative institution in response to a failing global governance system. Most importantly, 4) the AIIB is argued to potentially function as a transnational mechanism to extend China’s domestic social relations in the form of ideas, norms, and values on a diplomatic, economic, and cultural level through project engagement in member states. The AIIB’s motivations are therefore not merely informed by economic or institutional motives, but also by socially informed ideological debates that find their basis on all levels of Chinese society.Show less
In the Western world a popular belief is that great nations should take responsibility and protect the populations of conflict-ridden countries. In many ways we could argue that China is on its way...Show moreIn the Western world a popular belief is that great nations should take responsibility and protect the populations of conflict-ridden countries. In many ways we could argue that China is on its way to becoming a great nation, thus expectations that the Chinese leadership steps up to this task are mounting. Traditional Chinese foreign policy is based on respect for the sovereignty of other nations, non-intervention and laissez-faire in general. Greater economic interests in areas abroad are in conflict with these traditional principles. In this thesis we have therefore researched whether China is putting economic and diplomatic pragmatism ahead of principle. While Beijing attempts to avoid involvement in matters that are not of national interest, we will see from two case studies - based on the Libyan civil war and the Syrian civil war - that this has become increasingly difficult. Moreover, when looking at UN peacekeeping operations we see that China is an actively contributing P5 member. It seems that 'wuwei' (or not-doing), is becoming an untenable stance in a globalizing world.Show less
China’s exceptional growth, since the early 1980s, has been accompanied by a startling rise in gender-wage inequality. Gendered occupational segregation is identified as a primary cause, and has...Show moreChina’s exceptional growth, since the early 1980s, has been accompanied by a startling rise in gender-wage inequality. Gendered occupational segregation is identified as a primary cause, and has been a prominent feature of China’s economic transition and integration into the global economy. The channeling of women into low-skill, low-wage occupations is an often neglected factor in the story of China’s export-led economic growth and the development of its growing service industries. The purpose of this thesis is to establish how the revival of traditional gender norms in China has contributed to high levels of occupational gender-segregation and rising wage inequality. In particular this thesis focuses on changing constructions of gender as advanced by the state, through social policy and labour regulations, and in state media.Show less
“There’s no automaticity about the decision [to grant China market-economy treatment]. We need to make a formal decision and table a law.” Source: Interview with Cecilia Malmström, Wall Street...Show more“There’s no automaticity about the decision [to grant China market-economy treatment]. We need to make a formal decision and table a law.” Source: Interview with Cecilia Malmström, Wall Street Journal 2014 This quote by the European Union’s (EU) trade commissioner, Cecilia Malmström in an interview with the Wall Street Journal in 2014 represents the current state of affairs regarding the upcoming query on whether to grant China market economy status (MES) in 2016. Art. 15 (d) of China’s accession protocol to the World Trade Organization (WTO) stipulates that the ongoing non-market economy status (NMES) is no longer applicable after 2016. This pressures the EU to draft a proper decision on whether 2016 will be the year in which it recognizes China’s economy as a market economy, making it significantly more difficult to initiate anti-dumping duties against Chinese imports. This justifies the need to better understand the concept of MES and its influence on anti-dumping disputes between Europe and China. The WTO classifies dumping in Art. 2 of its anti-dumping agreement (ADA) and Art. VI of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) 1994 as “[introducing a product] into the commerce of another country at less than its normal value”. By definition the ‘normal value’ refers to a “comparable price in the ordinary cause of trade” between international traders which determine whether competition is fair. Thus, it ensures that products are not ‘dumped’ on another economy for less than the domestic price in its country of origin. In that regard, MES becomes an important tool because it determines the ‘ordinary cause of trade’. Accordingly, a comparison between different markets can only be fair, if they operate under similar conditions: that of a market economy.Show less
