Josephus (‘Jef’) Carel Franciscus Last (1898-1972) was a Dutch leftist writer, polyglot, and Spanish Civil War volunteer. Though he never became an influential name in Dutch literature in the same...Show moreJosephus (‘Jef’) Carel Franciscus Last (1898-1972) was a Dutch leftist writer, polyglot, and Spanish Civil War volunteer. Though he never became an influential name in Dutch literature in the same way some of his contemporaries managed to, he did maintain several high-profile intellectual friendships across Europe and the Dutch East Indies. He was moreover one of the most dynamic leftists from the Netherlands during the 1930s, travelling to many different countries, as well as constantly developing his precise political allegiances, often leading him to joining new political movements and organisations. This MA thesis is concerned with how this development of his political allegiance precisely materialised, and whether his experiences in the Spanish Civil War definitively cemented his disillusionment with communism towards the late 1930s.Show less
This thesis explores the debate around the application of the law on the separation of Church and State of 1905 from France in Colonial Algeria from 1890 to 1914. The unique status of Algeria made...Show moreThis thesis explores the debate around the application of the law on the separation of Church and State of 1905 from France in Colonial Algeria from 1890 to 1914. The unique status of Algeria made it so that it was legally part of France, the three départements of Oran, Alger and Constantine were all counted as French départements. Thus it seemed logical that law would be applied in Algeria as there would be no exceptions to any French territory at the time from the law. The application of the law in Algeria nevertheless sparked controversy as the context in which the law would operate was not the same as in France. The presence of an indigenous Muslim population and the dependency of the local Catholic Church on state subsidies raised concerns whether applying the law in Algeria was wise. The French administration in Algeria had also created a special form of hierarchised and centralised Islam with which the laic state could interact with and control. This was achieved through the control of the medersas, by censoring what was taught in these and the fatwas issued by the ulamas, and the recruitment of imams, ulamas and muftis which were proven to be apolitical and loyal to the French state. The Catholic Church in Algeria also served as an assimilative institution as many non-French European immigrants, from Catholic Countries such as Italy, Spain, Malta and Poland, came to Algeria. The application of the law in Algeria would on paper force the French authorities to give up the control they exerted over the unique form of Islam they had created in Algeria, but also give up the unofficial partnership with the Algerian Church with whom the colonial administration cooperated. The debate that originated in France and opposed Catholics and republicans made its way to Algeria and opposed these two ideological camps. What this thesis attempts to do through the analysis of newspaper articles, is to understand what the public opinion on this issue was in Algeria, to bring a nuanced perspective on the debate by highlighting differences within these two ideological camps, and differently from the scholarly literature adopt an approach not based on institutional archives.Show less
By the late nineteenth century, art history was immersed in the construction of national identities in Europe. Museums and exhibitions were vital players in communicating these identities at home...Show moreBy the late nineteenth century, art history was immersed in the construction of national identities in Europe. Museums and exhibitions were vital players in communicating these identities at home and abroad. Art historians increasingly appropriated painters and sculptors for their own countries as artists and their creations added significantly to a country’s prestige and increased cultural influence on the world stage – known in France as rayonnement culturel. Michela Passini’s magisterial La Fabrique de l’Art National (2013) focussed no longer only on politics and art but on the interaction of politics and art historiography instead. Since then there is a growing interest in the impact of nationalistic politics on the formal and institutional evolution of French art history from the mid-nineteenth to the early twentieth century. The historiographical research of Passini and other scholars reflects the fact that art historians at that time were predominantly interested in art of the Renaissance and the Middle Ages. The understanding of the process of what could be called ‘nationalisation of modernist art’ in France, however, has not yet benefitted thoroughly from this shift towards art historiography. Traditionally, the period has either been analysed from the perspective of another Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes or seen through the lens of xenophobic sentiment towards Jewish and foreign modernist in the aftermath of the Dreyfus-Affair. This thesis focuses on ‘Maîtres de l’Art Indépendant’, an encyclopaedic exhibition organized at Paris’ Petit Palais to coincide with the world fair of 1937. It was the first officially endorsed retrospective of French modernism and included Cubism and Fauvism which had previously been conspicuously absent from most museums in the capital. My study aims to demonstrate that the decision to promote French modernism in 1937 was steeped in very similar nationalist priorities as those held by a previous generation of art historians investigated by Passini and others.Show less
The present thesis looks through popular women’s magazines published during the period of the Greek Junta (1967-1974) in order to answer the following question: "To what extent did popular women's...Show moreThe present thesis looks through popular women’s magazines published during the period of the Greek Junta (1967-1974) in order to answer the following question: "To what extent did popular women's magazines during the Greek Junta reflect the regime's ideology on gender roles?". The analysis is divided into three chapters regarding representations of the female body and sexuality, work and marriage, and politics respectively. The thesis also highlights the underlying tension between modernity and tradition in far-right ideologies and the way it is mirrored through women's representations in the magazines.Through the analysis, the thesis concludes that these magazines promoted a considerably more liberal view of womanhood than that expected and desired by the Junta for Greek women. It also points out that this liberal image of women was not necessarily opposed by the regime since it too promoted itself as liberal. Finally, the thesis demonstrates that this particular inconsistency between presentation and expectation reveals a gendered facet of the tension between traditionalism and modernization documented in the magazine pages of the Greek Junta.Show less
Historians have overwhelmingly dismissed the ´Arab Kingdom´ policy as a failed colonial doctrine, stressing its inconsistencies and arguing that the implementation of Napoleon III’s policies in the...Show moreHistorians have overwhelmingly dismissed the ´Arab Kingdom´ policy as a failed colonial doctrine, stressing its inconsistencies and arguing that the implementation of Napoleon III’s policies in the 1860s contrasted his Saint-Simonian and indigènophile aims. By reconstructing the experiences of North-African men in the Armée d’Afrique during the Franco-Prussian war of 1870-71, this thesis highlights the inconsistencies inherent to this policy. Additionally, it argues that the colonial military’s formal aspects, such as pay, pensions, promotions and treatment in the military justice system, challenge the current discourse that the ideology was merely imperial rhetoric without substance. In line with the ´new´ military history’s focus on the relationship between war and society, this thesis draws on a myriad of sources to explore a wide range of aspects of colonial deployment during the Second Empire, including: recruitment, uniforms, mobilisation, decorations, religion, food, language, health and hospitalization, housing, combat performance, casualties, public image and treatment as prisoners of war (POWs). It thereby elucidates how the fall of the Second Empire at the end of the Franco-Prussian War, in many ways proved a break with the Third French Republic in terms of the status and treatment of French colonial soldiers.Show less
A case study of the infra-municipal/departmental decentralization in the city of Paris during the period in which Jacques Chirac was mayor of Paris (1977-1995), which shows that the institutional...Show moreA case study of the infra-municipal/departmental decentralization in the city of Paris during the period in which Jacques Chirac was mayor of Paris (1977-1995), which shows that the institutional reform led to improved local representative democracy.Show less
For several decades in the twentieth century, the order of Friars Minor Capuchin was entrusted with the responsibility of overseeing and administrating Colombia's public education system. This...Show moreFor several decades in the twentieth century, the order of Friars Minor Capuchin was entrusted with the responsibility of overseeing and administrating Colombia's public education system. This thesis assesses their role as a nationalizing agent in the Colombian Amazon on the border with Brazil and Peru.Show less
By reintroducing the republic as the form of state, the French Revolution of 1848 also revived memories both joyful and terrifying of the First Republic (1792-1799). Despite its troublesome...Show moreBy reintroducing the republic as the form of state, the French Revolution of 1848 also revived memories both joyful and terrifying of the First Republic (1792-1799). Despite its troublesome connotations, radical republicans enthusiastically seized upon the heritage of the Jacobin regime. Through a case study of the newspaper Le Père Duchêne. Gazette de la Révolution, this thesis studies the relationship of these radicals with the revolutionary past. Its findings suggest that the latter had three functions in radical republican discourse. First, given that Le Père Duchêne extensively invoked Jacobin ideology, rhetoric and symbolism, the past constituted a source of inspiration. Secondly, by proclaiming itself as heir to Robespierre and the likes, Le Père Duchêne deployed the past as a means of legitimacy. Since the traumatic memory of the Jacobin Reign of Terror seriously undermined the latter, the journal rewrote the narrative of the guillotine, presenting it as the necessary outcome of circumstances created by the adversaries of the Jacobins: the Gironde. Finally, it used this altered image of the past as an analogical frame projected onto the present. By equating the acts of contemporary moderates with the Girondists’ purported treason in the past, Le Père Duchêne understood 1848 as the continuation and eventually culmination of the very same strife between malevolent bourgeois reaction and virtuous popular republicanism.Show less
After the death of Franco in 1975, Spain undertook a process of democratization (The Transition). In many aspects, this process constituted a great example for many other democratic transitions....Show moreAfter the death of Franco in 1975, Spain undertook a process of democratization (The Transition). In many aspects, this process constituted a great example for many other democratic transitions. However, some shadows still overflies the political system emanated from that process. During the decade of the 2000's, many associations started a process for the recuperation of those forgotten through the 'Pact of Silence': a tacit agreement by the main political actors of The Transition, which left aside the memory of the victims of the dictatorship, in order to consolidate a weak emerging democracy. This social demands finally generated a Law of Historical Memory (2007). However, many political and social sectors in Spain considered it as insufficient. With the change of government, in 2012, this law was 'de facto' derogated. The spanish recent memory, then, constitutes an active weapon in the spanish political battlefield; still nowadays, and despite the law. This thesis, through oral interviews to testimonies of different generations, seeks for the differences in the discourse about the historical memory between those who lived The Transition, and those who did not. Does it exist a generational gap? And, in case of being affirmative this question, could it entail some political consequences?Show less
De begrippen 'thee' en 'Engeland' worden nu vaak in één adem genoemd, maar zagen de Engelsen deze drank in de negentiende eeuw als een onderdeel van hun nationale identiteit? In deze scriptie wordt...Show moreDe begrippen 'thee' en 'Engeland' worden nu vaak in één adem genoemd, maar zagen de Engelsen deze drank in de negentiende eeuw als een onderdeel van hun nationale identiteit? In deze scriptie wordt onderzoek gedaan naar de theecultuur in Engeland en de Engelse perceptie op thee in de Victoriaanse periode.Show less
