My primary aim in this investigation is to trace the history of the invention of the Marxist historian’s persona in the Communist Party Historians’ Group, and thereby reveal its specific...Show moreMy primary aim in this investigation is to trace the history of the invention of the Marxist historian’s persona in the Communist Party Historians’ Group, and thereby reveal its specific configuration. This is to be an exercise in the recently emerging research program of what I have termed the empirical philosophy of history, as developed by Herman Paul. I supplemented this framework with certain Bourdieusian insights, adopting analytic tools — concepts like forms of capital and fields — that were specifically constructed to reveal more clearly the social elements and forces at play in the development of the dispositions or embodied commitments to goods that constitute personae. After elaborating my methodological framework, I move to outlining the basic elements that went into the making of the Marxist historian’s persona; the primary commitments to epistemic, moral and political goods that were embodied by the Historians’ Group’s founders — Dona Torr, A. L. Morton, Maurice Dobb and Christopher Hill — who played a primary role in its making. These consisted of the epistemic commitments to obtaining a dialectical and historical view or understanding of history, the moral commitment to the emancipation of the proletariat and the political commitment to Communism of the Soviet variety as espoused by the Communist Party of Great Britain. The obtaining of these commitments required the exercising of the appropriate virtues like employing the dialectical and historical materialist methods, engaging in class analysis and maintaining loyalty to the Communist Party. These virtues in turn implied an opposition to vices that consisted of their lack in other historians’ scholarly personae, pejoratively referred to as ‘bourgeois’. However, there was also a struggle internally regarding the proper interpretation of these commitments and virtues, one that played out both within the Historians’ Group itself and the wider Party. The contours of this struggle and the practices of contestation it involved —abounding in virtue and vice language — is clarified through the prism of dispositional variations that existed among the Group’s members, which I distinguish as the academic and non-academic. However, these are not presented as discreetly definable entities, but rather as consisting of a common network of commonalities (as in a family resemblance concept), thereby allowing for consideration of the variations that existed among members of each, while also allowing for the role of contingency that had a major effect on the making of the Marxist historian’s persona.Show less
This research analyzes the Dutch reactions in the Netherlands East Indies to the growing amount of Chinese migrants entering the colony in the period 1880-1912. Through a focus on immigration...Show moreThis research analyzes the Dutch reactions in the Netherlands East Indies to the growing amount of Chinese migrants entering the colony in the period 1880-1912. Through a focus on immigration policies, public opinion in Indies newspapers, fingerprinting policies, diplomacy with China, consular representation and discussions on nationality, this research explains why the Netherlands East Indies as a colonial state could not close its borders for Chinese migrants, even when considering anti-Chinese immigration policies were a global phenomenon in this period. As this research shows, both the specific nature of the Dutch colonial state and the increasing diplomatic pressure from China were important factors in how Dutch immigration policies were shaped.Show less
This thesis discusses the relationship between the royalty and nationalism in the two traditional courts of Southeast Asia, the courts of Thailand and Yogyakarta. It applies a comparative...Show moreThis thesis discusses the relationship between the royalty and nationalism in the two traditional courts of Southeast Asia, the courts of Thailand and Yogyakarta. It applies a comparative-historical method by exploring the characteristics and determinants of historical phenomena in causal processes. The courts of Thailand and Yogyakarta emerged in the 18th century after a series of internal conflicts and ‘outsider’ intervention. The presence of the Dutch in the political affairs of Yogyakarta made the situation different between the two courts, while the court of Thailand is a sovereign power. In regards to the origin of nationalism, this thesis argues that there is a relationship between the establishment of the courts of Thailand and Yogyakarta to the birth of nationalism from the royalty. The origin of nationalism from the court of Thailand can be attributed to the struggle against the Burmese invader in the 18th century. From then on, the matter about sovereignty of Thailand was part of Thai nationalism. In Yogyakarta, the origin of nationalism is attributed to the courts’ subjugation to Dutch colonialism, which fostered an anti-colonial sentiment. Furthermore, based on this comparative study, the characteristic of nationalism from ‘above’ and nationalism from ‘below’ are apparent. In the state of absolute monarchy such as in Thailand, nationalism emerged from above, meaning that it was the product of the absolute king. In the colonized state of Yogyakarta, nationalism emerged from ‘below’. The subordinate position of the Sultan of Yogyakarta and the Pakualam to the Dutch made them unable to promote nationalism centered from the monarchy. Political essence of nationalism from Yogyakarta derived from its educated elites. This thesis also demonstrates that nationalism from ‘below’, or the egalitarian idea of nationalism was the dominant political force. It was able to change the state imposition of nationalism both in Thailand and Yogyakarta during the period 1908 – 1942.Show less
This study investigates the effect of population density on the development of land rights in Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe from 1923 to 2013. By comparing three former British colonies with...Show moreThis study investigates the effect of population density on the development of land rights in Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe from 1923 to 2013. By comparing three former British colonies with remarkably different population densities, this thesis explores the hypothesis that a denser population leads to stronger individual property rights over land. Through an in-depth analysis of the history of land rights, the relationship between people and land before, during and after colonialism is uncovered, ultimately challenging a Eurocentric model of (economic) development and contributing to the debate on land reform and economic inequality and in Southern Africa.Show less
In this thesis the author examines the differences between male and female witches in early modern Holland. This thesis analyses the terminology in early modern laws and literature on witchcraft,...Show moreIn this thesis the author examines the differences between male and female witches in early modern Holland. This thesis analyses the terminology in early modern laws and literature on witchcraft, as well as trial records on cases against (fe)male witches. It also analyses the differences in allegations against male and female witches in sixteenth-century Holland.Show less
Somalia and (South) Sudan belong to the most troubled countries in the world. All three of them are classified within the bottom 20% of the UNDP’s Human Development Index. Similarly, they have...Show moreSomalia and (South) Sudan belong to the most troubled countries in the world. All three of them are classified within the bottom 20% of the UNDP’s Human Development Index. Similarly, they have consistently been ranked in the top-5 of the Fragile States Index. Unsurprisingly, the contemporary history of Somalia and Sudan is characterized by chronic insecurity because of recurring civil wars between ethnic, tribal or clan-based groups and their governments. Therefore, the vast majority of international involvement in the Horn of Africa during the last twenty years has been directed at these countries. However, despite this ample attention, the deployed international military forces have thus far been unable to re-establish secure environments and rebuild state structures. Focusing on five distinct military interventions from 1990 to roughly 2010, this inquiry aims to measure the qualitative and quantitative contributions of Security Sector/System Reform (SSR) to the restoration of the state’s monopoly on the legitimate use of force. To this end, it addresses e.g. the progress made within Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programs. This inquiry then attempts to assess the legitimacy of the post-conflict state reconstruction effort by looking at e.g. the empowerment of civil society representatives and the progress made within community confidence-building measures. In doing so, this inquiry adopts Paul D. Miller’s concept of ‘armed state building’ as a theoretical framework. It therewith argues that – despite a growing number of criticisms – liberal institution-building has since the end of the Cold War remained the prevailing paradigm of state reconstruction efforts. Based on a reading of relevant literature, this inquiry contends that group identities in Somalia and Sudan have become interwoven with relative deprivation between them. The result have been enduring crises of citizenship and legitimacy in the state which continue to feed narratives that help to mobilize groups for violence. This inquiry finds that SSR has managed to increase the capacities of security and justice institutions, albeit in a vacuum. Analyses indicate how the (re)-established state institutions overall have been rather a-contextual, a-historic and frequently paralleled more capable, indigenous mechanisms. Simultaneously, the problems within the state’s legitimacy domain illustrate the complex environments, wherein international military forces e.g. were hampered by their cooperation with problematic local partners. This points to limitations within the military spheres of influence that affect soldiers’ ability to address the ‘root causes’ of conflict. This, in turn, leads to questions of how SSR should otherwise be treated within their activities, and how these armed state building efforts could best be complemented.Show less
Op welke manier konden vroegmoderne overheden in de achttiende eeuw na een politiek conflict vrede onder hun burgers stichten? Geïnspireerd door de methodes en inzichten uit de vredesstudies van de...Show moreOp welke manier konden vroegmoderne overheden in de achttiende eeuw na een politiek conflict vrede onder hun burgers stichten? Geïnspireerd door de methodes en inzichten uit de vredesstudies van de sociale en politieke wetenschappen en de oproerstudies over 1672 is in deze scriptie onderzoek gedaan naar de leef- en denkwereld van zeven dagboekschrijvers gedurende de crisis van 1747-1748. Hoe keken deze burgers uit de brede middenklasse aan tegen dit politieke conflict en welke moeilijkheden of obstakels zagen zij voor de overheid om de orde te handhaven en vrede in de samenleving te stichten?Show less
The French Senate is nowadays often presented by its critics as an institution that is conflicting with the principles of democracy. This raises questions about how this area of tension between...Show moreThe French Senate is nowadays often presented by its critics as an institution that is conflicting with the principles of democracy. This raises questions about how this area of tension between democracy and the second chamber has emerged and evolved throughout the history of the French political system. Bicameralism seems contradictory to the French political culture because the republican doctrine strongly believed in a single assembly. This research focuses on the first half of the French Third Republic (1870-1914) and investigates to what extend the Senate was considered to be compatible with democracy. How was it possible that a Senate -an institution that seemed to have lost its place in the French political landscape and was associated with aristocracy and conservative liberalism- obtained a place in the institutional framework of this republic which was so democratic for its time? In general, historians have shown little interest in upper houses. However, this thesis argues that in order to get a complete picture of the reasons behind the evolution of democratic institutions it is not enough to merely study political theory or constitutional law; one should also look at the reality of political practice. In order to understand how important historical events and national context in France were in shaping the debate about the relation between the Senate and democracy, the French case is put in an international comparative perspective with the discussions that took place around the same period in Belgium and The Netherlands. This research demonstrates that the French Senate of the Third Republic was not constructed against democracy, or simply as the representation of conservative forces. It rather was a very inventive chamber that served the interest of the Republican Party, promoted democracy and played an important role in the political education of the French countryside and its integration into the French nation. Secondly, it is argued that discussions about the legitimacy of the French upper house were to a very large extend determined by historical circumstances -such as the Boulanger crisis and the Dreyfus affair-, political opportunism, pragmatism, and specificities in the national political culture.Show less
When the Second World War ended, the European continent was devastated. Displaced persons (DPs) were scattered all over Europe. There were children among the DPs. They had survived the...Show moreWhen the Second World War ended, the European continent was devastated. Displaced persons (DPs) were scattered all over Europe. There were children among the DPs. They had survived the concentration camps, but often they had no place or family to return to. The European continent was not able to take care of all the DPs as the countries needed to rebuild themselves. The DPs needed to be relocated. An obvious choice would have been Ireland [neutral and undamaged by the war] but Ireland had strict immigration policy, in particularly towards Jewish people. This research aims to explain the attitude of the Irish government towards Jewish DP children and the relationship between media, claim makers and policymakers with regard to policymaking. The story of Dr. W.R.F. Collis is used as a case study. This research is based on a wide range of sources (including policy documents, interviews, autobiographies and newspaper articles).Show less
