The United Kingdom (UK)'s 2020 decision to prohibit the Chinese company Huawei from participating in the development of Britain's 5G networks, also known as the Huawei ban, raised many questions....Show moreThe United Kingdom (UK)'s 2020 decision to prohibit the Chinese company Huawei from participating in the development of Britain's 5G networks, also known as the Huawei ban, raised many questions. The ban represented a stark policy shift, as the UK had earlier granted Huawei the right to participate in 5G development to a limited extent. Amid political pressure that came from the United States (US) and the United Kingdom itself, the UK government reversed course. The rhetoric used by the political actors pressuring the UK government as well as by the government itself in its announcement of the ban contained characterisations of Huawei and China as threatening. This suggests the securitisation of China played a role in the UK's decision. Therefore, this study posed the following research question: "What role did the securitisation of China in the West play in the UK's decision to prohibit Huawei from participating in the development of British 5G networks?" This is a relevant question as it is concerned with how British foreign policy towards China takes shape and how securitisation takes place and influences consequential policy decisions. Critical discourse analysis with special attention to the context of discourse production and making use of Amin's (2019) three- step conceptualisation of securitisation theory found that the securitisation of China and Huawei played a key role in the UK government's decision to ban the company. The securitisation of China by US political actors influenced US and British pressure on the UK government to reverse its earlier decision. Ultimately the UK government backtracked and implemented the Huawei ban securitising China and Huawei in the process in an effort to regain lost credibility and win support for its newly adopted policy.Show less
This thesis examines the role of the norm of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) during the 2017 Rohingya crisis in Myanmar. Literature shows humanitarian crises have continuously impacted the norm...Show moreThis thesis examines the role of the norm of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) during the 2017 Rohingya crisis in Myanmar. Literature shows humanitarian crises have continuously impacted the norm of R2P since 2005, shifting it towards or away from internalization in the international community. The 2017 crisis in Myanmar presented an opportunity for the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to implement the norm yet are widely regarded unsuccessful in doing so. Through conducting a Discourse-Theoretical Analysis (DTA) of UNSC meeting records on the Rohingya crisis, this thesis explores the norm’s (lack of) influence at the time. The analysis finds the duty of a government to protect its citizens and the duty of the international community to assist a struggling government are widely accepted, yet the duty of the international community to protect citizens against their own government is not. Finally, this thesis urges for further research on discourse and R2P to understand what drives UNSC member states in adhering to or rejecting the norm.Show less
Few policy areas are as closely guarded by the member states of the European Union as their foreign policy. This is visible on the EU-level, in the Common Foreign and Security Policy and its...Show moreFew policy areas are as closely guarded by the member states of the European Union as their foreign policy. This is visible on the EU-level, in the Common Foreign and Security Policy and its individual policies, as the CFSP is considered to be a salient example of intergovernmentalism’s hold on aspects of EU policy-making. However, there have been some examples of small states influencing EU foreign policy. Malta is a relevant object for this study, as it is undoubtedly a small state. This makes it an interesting case study, as it, nonetheless, has clearly defined interests in the Southern neighbourhood. The Southern neighbourhood aspect of the ENP has itself been an under researched area in recent years, as it is widely considered a failed policy, and the interest of EU-scholars has largely shifted away from the Southern neighbourhood to the Eastern neighbourhood, where the threats to the EU, and its influence on the ‘ring of friends’ it aims to create, seem more pressing. Has Malta, despite its status as a small state, and the current general disinterest in the Southern neighbourhood, managed to capture EU policy-makers’ attention and successfully Europeanised its domestic foreign policy preferences? Through a combination of qualitative and quantitative analysis, which traces frames and discursive constructions across the domestic level, to the European level, before concluding with a comparative analysis of two EU foreign policy documents, this study demonstrates that Maltese policy preferences were uploaded to the level of EU foreign policy, more specifically, the ENP's Southern Neighbourhood component.Show less
In 2020, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda celebrated its 20th anniversary. But amidst a global pushback on women´s rights and the continuation of violence and conflict, the realization of...Show moreIn 2020, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda celebrated its 20th anniversary. But amidst a global pushback on women´s rights and the continuation of violence and conflict, the realization of the agenda seems a far dream. In Yemen, women played leading roles in the 2011 uprising and the National Dialogue Conference in 2013-2014. Yet, they have increasingly been excluded from Yemen’s political processes and peace efforts. This thesis centers the voices of five Yemeni women, who briefed the United Nations Security Council on the situation in Yemen between 2017 and 2020. Using a postcolonial feminist lens, this thesis investigates how the statements of these women activists and those of the United Kingdom and the United States of America in UN Security Council meetings on Yemen compare, and how these discourses in turn relate to the Women, Peace and Security agenda. In particular, by building on the analytical framework of Laura Shepherd (2008), the thesis analyzes the conceptualizations of gender, security, violence and the international sphere in the discourse. This dissertation argues that – despite their commitments to the WPS agenda – the UK and the US fail to take into account the gendered dimensions of the conflict in Yemen and to recognize the intersectional security threats women in Yemen face. As both states largely fail to engage with the opinions and recommendations of Women Civil Society Briefers from Yemen, they also fall short in reflecting on their own contributions to the continuing conflict in Yemen.Show less
