The advent of new technologies is continually changing the dynamics of political communication, making social media (especially Twitter) a direct linkage between politicians and the public,...Show moreThe advent of new technologies is continually changing the dynamics of political communication, making social media (especially Twitter) a direct linkage between politicians and the public, different from, for instance, TV interviews. Thus, it is generally believed that parties can take advantage of these new channels to spread their messages, and populist Eurosceptic parties are particularly expected to utilize them as a way to expand their support and visibility within the political field. Given this, further considerations could be raised on how these parties use social media. While some may argue that social media acts only as a complementary platform to maximize the reach of proposals, many scholars have pointed out that these parties use social media to make their discourse even more colloquial, mobilizing and radical. The research question to be addressed is: what is the discursive strategy of populist Eurosceptic parties on Twitter compared to the one on TV interviews?Show less
The year 2010 marks the beginning of a series of protests and uprisings in North Africa, which sparked a revolution that Western media would soon refer to as “The Arab Spring Uprisings”. The...Show moreThe year 2010 marks the beginning of a series of protests and uprisings in North Africa, which sparked a revolution that Western media would soon refer to as “The Arab Spring Uprisings”. The protests are mostly conducted by the youth of the MENA region who are discontent with the government. This generation realizes that due to unemployment, high inflation, poverty, human rights abuses and corruption they are caught in a vacuum, with no bright future with progress and evolution of their country and blame this on the Arab dictators. Tunisia and Morocco both experienced the Arab Spring differently in terms of violence by the state, but in both countries the protests are effective and big changes are promised. In Tunisia the Ben Ali Presidency is overthrown, while in Morocco King Mohammed VI remains king. Also, in both countries the desired democracy is established and democratic elections take place. However, the circumstances do not really change the civil lives. Unemployment remains a problem, police violence still occurs, the freedom and human rights are still violated and the rule of law does not change the situation in favour of the community. The frustrated youth seeks new ways to clear the void in their lives. In the same time period, the Islamic State is upcoming and recruits these frustrated youngsters. Especially Tunisian youngsters are susceptible for the promises of the Islamic State, as they are promised a future, with money, women and weapons. The official count of Tunisian foreign fighters is 6.000, while Morocco remains at the bottom of the list of foreign fighters, supplying officially 1.200 foreign fighters. The question is why there is such a big difference in number of supplied foreign fighters between these two countries. Trying to find an answer to this question this thesis inquires if the Arab Spring is the underlying cause. Therefore, this thesis’ research question is How have the results of the Arab Spring caused the extreme flow of frustrated Tunisian youth to the Islamic State, while a similar country as Morocco remains at the bottom of the list of Islamic State’s foreign fighters? The frustration-aggression theory of John Dollard and Robert E. Miller and colleagues is applied to explain the incentive of young Tunisians and Moroccans to go the Islamic State. By analysing the contemporary situation in Tunisia and Morocco in terms of unemployment, state repression and the influence of Saudi Arabia, this thesis concludes that the Arab Spring is the driver for the frustration amongst the youth, leading up to expression of aggression, wherefore the Islamic State provides space to utter it. Tunisia’s institutional failure created by the Arab Spring drives Tunisian youngsters frustrated and they are now either planning new uprisings, or are leaving for the Islamic State. The government is still dealing with the collapse of the institutions, therefore is not able to handle the frustrated youth. Morocco is not left in institutional chaos and can now focus on the terrorist threat, with a strong security system. It can brace the country against the Islamic State. According to this thesis, this is what makes the difference between the foreign fighters’ amount of Tunisia and Morocco.Show less
Since the establishment of the UN, 80 former colonies have gained independence. However, in recent years, there have been a lot of different views on the current role of the UN in the...Show moreSince the establishment of the UN, 80 former colonies have gained independence. However, in recent years, there have been a lot of different views on the current role of the UN in the decolonization process. The criticism mainly addresses the Special Committee on Decolonization, but there is also criticism on the working of the UN in general. There are three types of criticism. The first is the fact that the decolonization process is out-dated, because the Special Committee has to stick to a mandate created in 1960, when there was still a lot of colonialism. The notion is that the colonies that are left can not be treated the same. The second is the fact that the there is a one-size-fits all approach to decolonization. This means that there are only three options in which the remaining non self-governing territories can be removed from the list. The third criticism on the decolonization process at the UN holds that Western interests are still seen as the most important and the non self-governing territories are decolonized according to a Western model. This criticism comes mainly from scholars, but also from member states and UN officials. Because of the fact that the criticism is so widespread and comes also from member states, the UN should do something with it. The criticism has risen in recent years because of the stagnation of the decolonization process. The stagnation occurred although there were special Decades for the Eradication of Colonialism, and these were thus seen as failed. This research examines to what extent the UN, and the Special Committee on Decolonization in particular, has handled the criticism on role of the UN in the decolonization process in the past ten years. It links the criticism with one of the remaining non selfgoverning territories. The case study is Tokelau, which is a small island territory of which New Zealand is the administering country. Tokelau is a non self-governing territory that did not face any internal problems. It is therefore very useful for this research, because then the main focus can on the working of the UN.Show less
Interstate territorial conflict has seen a sharp downward trend since the end of the Cold War. This same trend has continued for claim militarization in general. However, the overall number of...Show moreInterstate territorial conflict has seen a sharp downward trend since the end of the Cold War. This same trend has continued for claim militarization in general. However, the overall number of states since the end of the World War Two has grown. More territorial disputes have come with the increasing number of states but not increasing military conflict over those disputes. This phenomenon is seen as a consequence of a lack of acceptance in the idea of conquest between states and the creation of the Territorial Integrity Norm. The overall trend has continued into the 21st Century but some fatal interstate territorial conflicts do still occur. This thesis asks, what leads to fatal interstate territorial conflict in the 21st Century (2002-2016) despite a strong trend away from fatal conflict over territory between states and how effective is fatal force? A comparative case study examining four fatal territorial conflicts that occurred within the timeline attempts to address this by analyzing the interaction of factors that lead up to a fatal event. It also explores the outcome of such action. This thesis finds that fatal action is the result of a complex interplay of domestic motives and a lack of external costs. When force is used, its effectiveness to assert control over disputed territory is limited but force can be effective in reigniting stalled diplomatic negotiations.Show less
On the 18th of September 2014 the United Nations Security Council met in its first emergency meeting on a public health crisis. The reason for this meeting was to discuss and find an appropriate...Show moreOn the 18th of September 2014 the United Nations Security Council met in its first emergency meeting on a public health crisis. The reason for this meeting was to discuss and find an appropriate response to the 2014-2015 Ebola outbreak in West Africa. The response came in the form of resolution 2177 and 69/1, which mandated the United Nations Mission for Ebola Emergency Response. A mandated health crisis mission is unprecedented in international politics and can be seen as a watershed moment. This thesis analyzed the legitimization process of the UN response within the larger discourse of global health security. A critical approach was taken in the form of poststructuralism, as it tries to identify and explain how certain issues have been problematized and how the discourse has emerged historically to frame an understanding of problems and solutions.Show less
This thesis analyses the 2015 European Refugee crisis through a holistic approach. Through a comparative case study of Italy's operation Mare Nostrum and Frontex led Operation Triton, this thesis...Show moreThis thesis analyses the 2015 European Refugee crisis through a holistic approach. Through a comparative case study of Italy's operation Mare Nostrum and Frontex led Operation Triton, this thesis seeks to highlight the underlying processes involved in taking action in emergencies. This will be done through an interdisciplinary approach, by using Latané and Darley's (1970) socio-psychological model of the Unresponsive Bystander. Through this model, it becomes then possible to analyse why in certain circumstances emergencies are more addresses in humanitarian terms and sometimes more through a securitised approach.Show less
This thesis analyses competing discourses around the 2017 Catalan independence referendum. Taking a quantitative approach, several distinct text-mining techniques are applied to political speech...Show moreThis thesis analyses competing discourses around the 2017 Catalan independence referendum. Taking a quantitative approach, several distinct text-mining techniques are applied to political speech transcripts and newspaper opinion pieces of pro-independence and pro-union elites in order to identify broad lexical patterns in discourse. These results are then interpreted with the guidance of previous literature and within the theoretical framework of discursive institutionalism. The analysis finds that the most salient patterns are a pro-union emphasis on law and the constitution, and a pro-independence focus on the symbolic imagery produced by the referendum, such as polling stations, ballot boxes, and police violence. The results also find differing representations of the relationship between Catalonia and Spain, and to a lesser degree, the role of Europe within the dynamic. Taken together, these findings illuminate broad discursive strategies employed by both sides of the independence debate as they seek to either provoke or prevent institutional change.Show less
In the past, scholars have associated negative representation of the Middle East and its people in Disney's movie Aladdin with political tensions between the U.S. and the Middle East. However, with...Show moreIn the past, scholars have associated negative representation of the Middle East and its people in Disney's movie Aladdin with political tensions between the U.S. and the Middle East. However, with the release of a new, less problematic version of Aladdin but continued tensions between the U.S. and the Middle East, this research poses the question “How can we understand the changing representation of the Middle East in Hollywood movies?” This research uses semiotics, as well as parts of Daniel Bar-Tal's model on stereotype formation to examine what factors influence representation of the Middle East in movies. It finds that representation in movies is dependent on a variety of factors such as politics, economic situation and societal channels.Show less
This thesis analyses political speeches by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe during his second period of office from 2012 onwards, in order to uncover how he uses narratives of historical representations...Show moreThis thesis analyses political speeches by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe during his second period of office from 2012 onwards, in order to uncover how he uses narratives of historical representations to reach his policy goals. In light of the opposition to constitutional revision as proposed by Abe, researching how he deals and tries to manipulate discourse in this field allows for a better understanding of the future trajectory of Japan’s foreign policy. This is because constitutional revision would allow for Japan to have a more active role in security issues. At the moment Japan’s security position is still constricted by historical narratives based on constructed memories or political myths. While the push for constitutional revision is not new, the recent missile threats from North Korea together with pressure from the international community seem to be speeding up the process. These constitutional constrictions are also heavily bound by the post war relationship between the United States and Japan. Furthermore, because of historical narratives, the Japanese national identity remains a problematic issue in Japanese politics. Thus, the Japanese government has to cater to both Japanese citizens and the international community in its official communications. An analysis of political speeches may help us understand possible changes or disputes on memory as a result of political interests. This is because official representations of the past are strongly linked with identity and thus also with foreign policy. Therefore, through the use of poststructuralist discourse analysis, this paper aims to research how Abe positions himself in the discourse of war memories and his actions to accomplish constitutional revision from his second term onwards. Additionally, due to the importance of apology issuance for the stabilisation of Japan’s relations with neighbouring countries, such as China and Korea, this paper will briefly analyse Abe’s apologies and utterances of remorse during his speeches through Lind’s framework of apologetic apologies.Show less
Debt refinancing or consolidation is a trend for states worldwide. In Japan, due to Abenomics’ extensive monetary policy, state debt has risen greatly. This debt is deemed sustainable to the...Show moreDebt refinancing or consolidation is a trend for states worldwide. In Japan, due to Abenomics’ extensive monetary policy, state debt has risen greatly. This debt is deemed sustainable to the official discourse of financial institutions, since it is held nationally and debt is sought to be refinanced through the national financial system. This paper challenges this account that the state debt is sustainable, by analysing the specific discursive construction of the public the BOJ and the MOF enforce to render the state debt as sustainable. The result of the research is that the BOJ and the MOF try to utilise the public through identity construction, but that this identity is incompatible in terms of spatial, temporal and ethical dimensions. This undermines the credibility of the financial institutions, pressuring the sustainability of the state debt and the success of Abenomics. This research analyses the state-specific condition that allow for state debt, and therefore forms a lesson in how to assess discourse by financial institutions that can be applied to case studies worldwide.Show less
This thesis explores what the process of making a theatre performance, as a method of research, could add to our understanding of complex issues in the field of International Relations....Show moreThis thesis explores what the process of making a theatre performance, as a method of research, could add to our understanding of complex issues in the field of International Relations. Specifically, it engages with the question of how our theories about what world politics is, give shape to our world and our understanding of it. Through the making of an absurdist theatre performance it makes us aware that our theoretical positions are precarious. It does so by exploring the philosophical underpinnings of three divergent theories in International Relations Theory: Liberalism, Poststructuralism and Relational Cosmology and how they shape our possibilities for thinking and being in the world.Show less
High prevalence of HIV, teenage pregnancy and unsafe abortions are challenges faced by many countries in the Global South. Research shows that much of the health problems that arise are due to a...Show moreHigh prevalence of HIV, teenage pregnancy and unsafe abortions are challenges faced by many countries in the Global South. Research shows that much of the health problems that arise are due to a lack of general basic understanding on reproductive biology. However engaging in open discussions on sexual and reproductive health is not always fruitful due to social and cultural barriers. Using the theory of empowerment, the thesis looks into the relation between ICT, youth and public health in Mara region, Tanzania. Research findings point to a growing usage of ICT within the region, however mostly limited to radio and mobile phones. Efforts in Tanzania to improve information access on public health are visible, although they are more often than not handled as individual cases rather than collective attempts to work towards a long-term goal. A strong centralised system that allocates sufficient funds and resources for further developing sexual and reproductive health matters is therefore required along with research to assess the effectiveness of the changes implemented.Show less
Throughout the 20th century, the Brazilian agricultural landscape has gone through meaningful transformations of modernization, globalization and expansionism. While increasingly concentrated land...Show moreThroughout the 20th century, the Brazilian agricultural landscape has gone through meaningful transformations of modernization, globalization and expansionism. While increasingly concentrated land ownership and ruralist hegemony consolidated the position of rural elites, Brazilian agriculture has also progressively integrated into Global Commodity Chains (GCC), dominated by a complex of transnational agribusiness. Simultaneously, lethal violence targeting activists and local communities who seek to frustrate the expanding agricultural frontiers exacerbates, undermining those who resist the agribusiness model. Focusing on the case of the soybean GCC as a commodity complex, this Master’s thesis approaches violence in rural land conflicts as an endogenous regulatory feature of the agribusiness regime of accumulation, leading to the theorization of competitive structures of direct violence.Show less
This is a M.A. thesis on the forces contributing to the acknowledgement of genocides by the perpertrating states. It is comparing the Australian genocide of the Aborigines, the German genocide of...Show moreThis is a M.A. thesis on the forces contributing to the acknowledgement of genocides by the perpertrating states. It is comparing the Australian genocide of the Aborigines, the German genocide of Nama and (Ova-)Herero in Namibia, the Canaduan genocide of Native Canadians and the U.S. American genocide of Native Americans with eachother. The composure of the government as well as a lack of threat to the social identity of a state are identified as the key factors in the perpetrator state acknowledgment.Show less
