This paper investigates political cartoons concerning Sino-Japanese relations from the Japanese perspective, focusing on certain key events of particular contention between China and Japan. Its aim...Show moreThis paper investigates political cartoons concerning Sino-Japanese relations from the Japanese perspective, focusing on certain key events of particular contention between China and Japan. Its aim is to identify particular strategies in political cartoons in order to influence public perception about certain political topics. For this a series of political cartoons was selected to be analyzed by a process called Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). By doing this, it analyzed the strategies political cartoonists use to pursue a certain narrative. In conclusion, although there seems to be somewhat of a correlation between what kind of event is being described and the type of imagery being used, more political cartoons will need to be analyzed to come to a definitive conclusion.Show less
This paper analyses the role public opinion had in the revision of the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act in 2018. Previously, the majority of the public felt economically and...Show moreThis paper analyses the role public opinion had in the revision of the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act in 2018. Previously, the majority of the public felt economically and culturally threatened by foreign residents. Over time, this belief largely disappeared from the public’s consciousness and changed into a more receptive view of an increase of foreigners. Consequently, a majority of the public came to believe that an increase of unskilled foreign labourers to address Japan’s labour shortage was a satisfactory solution. Alleviating labour shortages would in turn strengthen Japan’s economy which was a priority for both the public and Prime Minister Abe. Having looked at both businesses and Abe as different actors in the revision, I found that thanks to Abe’s tight control over both the Diet and the Cabinet, the bill was approved by the Diet without Abe facing public backlash. Nonetheless, the public’s preference has not been attained as they wanted more deliberation time in the Diet. Therefore, public opinion and the 2018 revision are correlated, but it cannot be concluded that public opinion influenced the revision.Show less
After 2020, Japan-Taiwan relations have seen an accelerated change from an informal, ambiguous relationship towards a relationship based on Japan’s support for Taiwan’s de facto independence. This...Show moreAfter 2020, Japan-Taiwan relations have seen an accelerated change from an informal, ambiguous relationship towards a relationship based on Japan’s support for Taiwan’s de facto independence. This thesis argues that the drivers behind the accelerated shift challenge the paradigm that Japan’s Prime Ministerial executive office (the Kantei) exerts unchallenged control over Japan’s foreign policymaking (Mulgan 2017). Namely, influential LDP nationalist right-wing politicians have utilized the Hong Kong protests, 2021 LDP presidential elections and Russia’s attack on Ukraine to make unprecedented pro-Taiwan statements. These statements have called upon the Kantei to more explicitly demonstrate its support for Taiwan’s position, which is in line with the preference of nationalist right-wing politicians for a strong Japan in the international order and their desire to maintain political influence over Japan’s policymaking. Through these statements, LDP nationalist right-wing politicians have more or less ‘hijacked’ Japan’s foreign policymaking. As this undermined the Kantei’s leading role in Japan’s policymaking, the paradigm that Japan is a Kantei-led state in foreign policy needs to be reviewed in order to accommodate the influence of the LDP’s nationalist right-wing.Show less
In December 2012, Abe Shinzo was again elected as Prime Minister of Japan and is now in office for almost six years. In those six years, he promised economic growth for Japan, through his policy...Show moreIn December 2012, Abe Shinzo was again elected as Prime Minister of Japan and is now in office for almost six years. In those six years, he promised economic growth for Japan, through his policy Abenomics including womenomics. Likewise, with the Japan-Korea 2015 Agreement, he showed his desire to settle the “comfort women” issue with South Korea. However, both plans have not been accomplished, with the Japanese economy still stagnating, and the “comfort women” still being an issue after the 2015 agreement failed. With womenomics, the goal was to increase the number of working women and increase the number of women in leadership positions. However, with Abe being a supporter of the patriarchal system, it is hard to reach this goal. After analysing the policy womenomics and Abe’s promotion regarding the issue, it can be seen that through Abe’s choice of words, he creates a power discourse, which deepens the gender inequality in society. Abe’s power discourse on womenomics portraits women as helpless beings who need a man’s help to become successful, deepening gender inequality. Similarly, Abe’s revisionist stance caused the agreement to fail, and the “comfort women” to remain an issue. An analysis of Abe’s statement regarding the “comfort women” issue shows his refusal in seeing the “comfort women” as sex slaves, even depicting them as workers for the Japanese Imperial Army during the war. Due to Abe diminishing the victims’ stories and feelings, and portraying them as workers, he aggravates the gender inequality in society. So, Abe’s power discourse of womenomics and the “comfort women issue” makes gender inequality more deep-rooted in society.Show less
This thesis employs structural analysis to compare the structure of negotiations around the Kurils dispute in two points of time; 1956 and 2016. It applies a framework to compare structural aspects...Show moreThis thesis employs structural analysis to compare the structure of negotiations around the Kurils dispute in two points of time; 1956 and 2016. It applies a framework to compare structural aspects like Best-Alternatives-To-Non-Agreement and negotiation linkage while highlighting and explaining differences. One central aspect of this thesis is Russia's pivot to Asia which has had drastic effects on the territorial dispute like increasing the value of the islands but at the same time increasing costs associated with non-agreement. In the conclusion, the evolved aspects of negotiations are summed up and it is argued that while the dispute remains in a deadlock, the dispute itself is gaining importance again in Japan-Russia relations. Furthermore, both countries have gained no strong incentive to compromise on their original positions (those held since 1956).Show less
