In December 2017, Japan and the EU came to a swift finalization of their Economic Partnership Agreement (JEEPA). Despite the fact that intentions for finalization of the agreement had been...Show moreIn December 2017, Japan and the EU came to a swift finalization of their Economic Partnership Agreement (JEEPA). Despite the fact that intentions for finalization of the agreement had been expressed by both parties multiple times and they had failed to meet the timeframes, they did on this occasion. The influencing factors were Brexit, China's rise and U.S. withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement(TPP). These factors in combination with ambitious trade policy under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe caused Japan to be steered in this direction, leaving the JEEPA as their only resort to establish comprehensive economic cooperation that might mitigate trade problems arising from Brexit, China's rise and replace the TPP as their preferred trade deal while fitting into Abe's economic policy.Show less
This thesis discusses the question of how an understanding of Japanese politics and culture affects the popularity of Ghibli films with a political message, and what this means for the efficacy of...Show moreThis thesis discusses the question of how an understanding of Japanese politics and culture affects the popularity of Ghibli films with a political message, and what this means for the efficacy of Japan’s pop-culture diplomacy. One of the goals of MOFA’s 2006 pop-culture diplomacy is to further the understanding of Japan by disseminating culture, but it does not seem to have the desired effect. To discuss this I have used a reception study using reviews by US and Japanese reviewers. The movies discussed are both by Isao Takahata, one of Studio Ghibli's founders and main directors. The movies are Pom Poko and Grave of the Fireflies. To set the stage I have discussed literature on Ghibli films and domestic politics, cultural heritage and history of Japan. Some key theories are Koichi Iwabuchi's fragrant/odorless theory on culture, Joseph N. Nye's soft power theory and Douglas McGrays's "Japan's Gross National Cool", which has been adapted by the Japanese government as their Cool Japan campaign. To test the efficacy of the dissemination of Japanese culture, politics and history to garner understanding overseas, online reviews were used. Using a content analysis on the reviews I have studied the main points and opinions reviewers from both countries have on both movies. Using Koichi Iwabuchi's odorless/fragrant theory I have then explained why there are differences in appreciation of the movies. These differences in appreciation and understanding prove that MOFA's 2006 pop-culture diplomacy does not work well as it does not attain the goal of gaining understanding of Japanese culture.Show less
When the reversion of Okinawa occurred in 1972, the island already was a complex amalgamation of various identities: heirs of indigenous Ryukyu culture, second-class Japanse citizens subjected to...Show moreWhen the reversion of Okinawa occurred in 1972, the island already was a complex amalgamation of various identities: heirs of indigenous Ryukyu culture, second-class Japanse citizens subjected to discrimination and war victims betrayed by its own government and colonised by a foreign force. Literally rising from the ashes, Okinawa has been reformulating its identity once again in face of challenges resulting from their marginal position amidst two greater powers. These include war trauma, economic rebuilding, continued discrimination by the mainland and persisting US base issues. Similar to a kaleidoscope, one can reposition individual elements to create a new constellation. Depending on the observer, different views and meanings can be constructed and interpreted. This thesis examines how Okinawans as a minority have emphasised and/or rearranged certain cultural symbols or narratives, creating new identities and using them as weapons, in order to negotiate a better standing within Japan following the period after the revision. Some developments that immediately come to mind are the emergence of civil society based on universal values of democracy, peace and ecology and the embedding of Okinawans as historical victims of the Japanese government and the mobilization of historical memory. I will be primarily focussing on contemporary post-reversion literature in my analysis, intending on researching the presence of these new identitities within contemporary novels. My objective is to observe if and/or how the ‘main model’ mentioned above is reflected and if the tendencies of modern literature have shifted accordingly.Show less
The Japanese Self-Defense Forces (SDF) are Japan’s “military”. Prohibited to conduct offensive operations, the SDF has developed an image which portrays it not as a fighting force but rather as a...Show moreThe Japanese Self-Defense Forces (SDF) are Japan’s “military”. Prohibited to conduct offensive operations, the SDF has developed an image which portrays it not as a fighting force but rather as a supportive one, with disaster relief being one of its main roles. Some scholars question whether the SDF does or does not violate the ‘war potential’ prohibition. Even though there has been research on the legitimacy issue, there has yet to be a study on the emphasis of the disaster relief function of the SDF by the government. In this thesis, I argue that the disaster relief in Defence White Papers has been emphasized through a content analysis. Public opinion polls show that, contrary to popular believe, there has not been an increase in the willingness of the Japanese public to let the SDF play a bigger role in military operations. One way to interpret these outcomes is that the government is putting emphasis on the disaster relief function of the SDF in order to legitimize the SDF’s existence and gradually prepare the Japanese public for a more offensive role. However, this has not yet helped convince the public that the SDF should get more involved in military operations, which becomes clear when examining public opinion on the SDF Iraq dispatch.Show less
Abstract In the recent years Japanese pop culture has become an essential medium in the nation-branding strategy “Cool Japan”. The government has invested in Cool Japan especially in the Asian...Show moreAbstract In the recent years Japanese pop culture has become an essential medium in the nation-branding strategy “Cool Japan”. The government has invested in Cool Japan especially in the Asian region as there are still lingering tensions over Japan’s imperial past. This thesis explores how popular culture is used in nation-branding strategy in two countries that were occupied by Japan during the Second World War, Indonesia and South-Korea. How Japan implements nation-branding in South Korea and Indonesia and whether Japan uses a specific approach with consideration to historical memory and if a pattern can be distinguished is still under-examined, and therefore wishes to contribute to this discussion. This research uses policy analysis to assess the Cool Japan policy approach in South Korea and Indonesia. As Cool Japan is largely reliant on soft power, this study also tests Joseph S. Nye’s theory of soft power as a general theory applicable to Japan. My findings demonstrate that the ideal conditions for nation-branding strategy to work, depend on how the countries in question (South Korea and Indonesia) view the country that implements nation-branding(Japan). Therefore,Cool Japan nation-branding can only succeed in countries that have a relatively positive image of Japan.Show less
With North Korea being in the spotlight of the international community of late, the relations between North Korea and Japan could shift from antagonism to normalisation of relations. The abduction...Show moreWith North Korea being in the spotlight of the international community of late, the relations between North Korea and Japan could shift from antagonism to normalisation of relations. The abduction issue from the late twentieth century is one of the most influential obstacles in normalisation, but the North Korean government considers the abduction issue solved after the return of five abductees and the declaration of eight deceased abductees, whereas the Japanese government does not consider it solved. The abduction issue plays an important role in that it is a major issue Prime Minister Abe can use to portray North Korea as a threat to better achieve his own goals. The abduction issue puts a strain on the relations between North Korea and Japan and might continue to do so in the future if it is not resolved. To successfully normalise relations with the North, the abduction issue might have to be put on a lower priority, but the issue has been rooted in Japan’s North Korea policy ever since it came into the light, with Abe being one of the most influential political actors in popularizing the abductions. Thus, the research question of this thesis is: Can Abe back out of the discourse he created with the abduction issue?Show less
Within the Japanese Constitutional Debate, two factions emerge - Those who oppose constitutional revision, and those who advocate it. When looking at the arguments that either faction uses, it...Show moreWithin the Japanese Constitutional Debate, two factions emerge - Those who oppose constitutional revision, and those who advocate it. When looking at the arguments that either faction uses, it becomes clear that there are many more participants than just the Protectionists and the Revisionists, and the key to understanding the debate and the participants' portrayal of the other is to deconstruct the participating groups.Show less
This thesis attempts to point out that whenever Shinzo Abe’s vision for Japan is discussed, he seems driven by emotions and new, grander agendas. While he has the Japanese interest at heart, his...Show moreThis thesis attempts to point out that whenever Shinzo Abe’s vision for Japan is discussed, he seems driven by emotions and new, grander agendas. While he has the Japanese interest at heart, his approaches to matters often make it seem as though the state’s best interest is not necessarily something on Abe’s political agenda. This thesis attempts to contextualize Shinzo Abe’s current political strategies in order to find out whether he holds ulterior motives, and questions whether his current course a matter of pride and nationalism or whether there is actually an unseen strategy involved by providing marked examples of the prime minister's past actions in the face of controversies, the constitution, and current political affairs.Show less
On April 27th of 2017, Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin met once again in Russia to discuss bilateral cooperation and the dispute surrounding the Northern...Show moreOn April 27th of 2017, Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin met once again in Russia to discuss bilateral cooperation and the dispute surrounding the Northern Territories. Japan and Russia have been in conflict over the four southernmost islands of the Kuril Island archipelago ever since they were handed over to the Soviet Union at the end of World War II. While for many years the bilateral trade between Japan and Russia was stagnating, ever since the summit in Vladivostok in 2012, there has been an eastward shift of the Russian economy. In May 2016 Abe announced that they were taking a new approach in the negotiations. While many believe it to be disappointing, it can be argued that it is a long term negotiation tactic, which focuses on economic cooperation. Through analyzing the Japan Russia summits it can be seen that they have shifted from a positional bargaining strategy to a principled bargaining strategy, and how it gives a good possibility in solving the dispute.Show less
This thesis explores the way in which Abe might be using the rule of law as a rhetorical tool in his international and domestic speeches. It will be discussed how he might be utilizing the rule of...Show moreThis thesis explores the way in which Abe might be using the rule of law as a rhetorical tool in his international and domestic speeches. It will be discussed how he might be utilizing the rule of law in order to counter a negative domestic discourse aimed at him as a result of new-left wing protest groups. The thesis also examines how this use of the rule of law might affect expectations by the international community for Japan's military role.Show less
This thesis studies the largest right-wing organization of Japan, Nippon Kaigi. Nippon Kaigi is an elitist lobby group with far-reaching influence through their membership, which includes many...Show moreThis thesis studies the largest right-wing organization of Japan, Nippon Kaigi. Nippon Kaigi is an elitist lobby group with far-reaching influence through their membership, which includes many politicians. This thesis is an attempt at explaining Nippon Kaigi influence through a comparison of statements by Nippon Kaigi and Prime Minister Abe Shinzo.Show less
The Japanese government has enacted a series of new laws and correlating policies, molded in galvanizing rhetoric of 'adhering to the rule of law in an international context' and a 'pro-active...Show moreThe Japanese government has enacted a series of new laws and correlating policies, molded in galvanizing rhetoric of 'adhering to the rule of law in an international context' and a 'pro-active contribution to peace', justifying the gradual change of its passive stance on cyber-security into a more aggressive one. Yet, in the cyber-realm, the rule of law in an international context is not a static all-encompassing concept; it is filled with normative voids, and constantly in flux, similar to the ever-evolving interpretations behind the rationale of Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution, and the extent to which this allegedly legitimizes shifts in the underpinning security landscape. This thesis provides an insight into the actions conducted by the Japanese government, the significance of their rhetoric, and reveals underlying patterns in the construction of their narratives, by analyzing how political discourse shapes the security landscape, how this affects the (de-)evolution of law, and vice versa. It demonstrates that opposing views on the lethality of cyber-operations contribute to the splintering of international law, hereby creating leeway for the Abe-administration to utilize these lacunae as a rhetorical tool to shift the paradigm of Japan's domestic law. As I argue here, however, there is little rationale that stems from international legal concepts to justify connecting cyber-security to Abe’s vision for general security reform.Show less
This thesis argues that the use of the civic-ethnic dichotomy in describing nationalism is flawed. It does so by examining written works and speeches by Shinzo Abe, the current Prime Minister of...Show moreThis thesis argues that the use of the civic-ethnic dichotomy in describing nationalism is flawed. It does so by examining written works and speeches by Shinzo Abe, the current Prime Minister of Japan.Show less
The issue of whaling by the Japanese government is controversial and has been a long standing international problem for Japan. While there are other whaling countries, organizations like Greenpeace...Show moreThe issue of whaling by the Japanese government is controversial and has been a long standing international problem for Japan. While there are other whaling countries, organizations like Greenpeace mostly criticize Japan, arguing that their scientific whaling is simply masking another agenda. Despite all the international pressure, Japan insists on continuing their whaling practices. This thesis looks at this problem from a political psychology approach, using the theory of the content and relationship aspect to figure out why Japan acts as it does.Show less
In 2014, the United Nations recommended to the Japanese government that it should promulgate laws against hate speech. This advice was ignored by the Japanese government, claiming such laws would...Show moreIn 2014, the United Nations recommended to the Japanese government that it should promulgate laws against hate speech. This advice was ignored by the Japanese government, claiming such laws would interfere with the right of freedom of speech. With the racism against Zainichi Koreans (citizens in Japan of Korean ancestry) as a case study, using the New Haven School of Jurisprudence as framework, this thesis posits that “freedom of speech” is not the Japanese government’s (only) reason for refusing to promulgate laws against hate speech. By researching Diet discussions, newspaper articles, court cases and personal accounts of prominent politicians such as Prime Minister Abe Shinzo, this essay comes to the conclusion that the actual reasons differ from the official one given. The general conclusions of this thesis are that the Japanese government is reluctant to promulgate laws against hate speech because it is concerned about its independence from the United Nations, and because there is a disregard for minority issues in general.Show less
This thesis posits that the construction of a Japanese identity in government produced popular culture is inconsistent. The contradictory values within a constructed ‘Self’ portray Japan as a ...Show moreThis thesis posits that the construction of a Japanese identity in government produced popular culture is inconsistent. The contradictory values within a constructed ‘Self’ portray Japan as a ‘superior victim’ with regard to the abductions of Japanese citizens by North Korea. By utilizing a value-action framework it can be determined that the values portrayed in the narratives of the analysed popular culture have indeed been affected by the lines of action in the production process, and can therefore be concluded to be, in this study, the dominant values in North Korea policymaking. These values can be found throughout the narratives analysed in this thesis. By positioning these values in a model of culture in action, it becomes clear that the perceived ‘Japanese identity’ is in a transitional phase.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to evaluate how much progress Japan has made in dismantling its most costly non-tariff measures (NTMs). Two specific industries are evaluated: the pharmaceutical and the...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to evaluate how much progress Japan has made in dismantling its most costly non-tariff measures (NTMs). Two specific industries are evaluated: the pharmaceutical and the medical devices industry.Show less
Since 2006, when the popular Junichiro Koizumi resigned from his role, Japan has had six prime ministers, one of which has served on two separate occasions. Koizumi’s successor,Shinzo Abe, had to...Show moreSince 2006, when the popular Junichiro Koizumi resigned from his role, Japan has had six prime ministers, one of which has served on two separate occasions. Koizumi’s successor,Shinzo Abe, had to resign after a year due to low popularity and health issues. However, in 2012, Abe returned. Based on his history, one would not expect Abe to be able to come back,let alone be capable of leading his country towards economic recovery and political stability. Nevertheless, Abe has been able to maintain his position for about a year and a half, while sustaining fairly stable public support. Is the current Abe different from the previous one? Has he become a transformational leader? Will Abe be able to finish his term, just as Koizumi did? This article applies a comparative analysis on Koizumi's and Abe's terms as prime minister of Japan. Based on the theory of transformational and transactional leadership, this essay attempts to answer these questions. This article uses a keyword analysis to examine their populist style. In the end, it is concluded that Abe has become a transformational leader with a populist style, but that he still lacks Koizumi's charisma.Show less
