In this thesis research has been conducted regarding the following question: is it possible to translate the long Qur’anic surah sūrat al-Raḥmān into Dutch, whereby the following three criteria are...Show moreIn this thesis research has been conducted regarding the following question: is it possible to translate the long Qur’anic surah sūrat al-Raḥmān into Dutch, whereby the following three criteria are met: 1. the meaning is preserved 2. the oral and aural aspect is conveyed 3. the translation is presented in natural and accessible Dutch. To meet the criterion of aurality and orality the translation must meet the testible criteria of rhyme, metre, parallelism, lexical echoes, conciseness, the relation between the sound of words and the atmosphere of a verse or surah, and repetition, which are the most important linguistic structures underlying orality and aurality. Recognizability for Muslims is part of the criterion of meaning. A translation method according to these criteria has been used in the testcase and the translation process has been described. The above resulted in a translation that met the criteria of the research question.Show less
This thesis explores the framing of the burqa ban in the Dutch media over the past decade, focusing on the divergence between left-wing (Volkskrant) and right-wing (Telegraaf) newspapers, potential...Show moreThis thesis explores the framing of the burqa ban in the Dutch media over the past decade, focusing on the divergence between left-wing (Volkskrant) and right-wing (Telegraaf) newspapers, potential polarizing frames, and the shifts in media narratives pre and post-implementation of the ban. The analysis is guided by framing theory, which shows the dominant frames visible in the newspapers and explores the dynamic interplay between media, public opinion, and politics. A framework of five frames, guided by Semetko and Valkenburg’s frames, has been constructed for this research. These are the Moral, Political, Societal Impact, Policy Conflict, and Security frames. The Volkskrant is characterized as progressive and socially oriented. The dominant frame between 2012 and 2022 has been the Societal Impact frame, emphasizing the ban’s consequences for society. In contrast, the Telegraaf, known for its activist and critical stance, used the Political Conflict frame the most often, focusing on discussions around implementing the ban. Contrary to expectations, the study has not identified a polarizing trend over time in the analysis. Moreover, it was concluded that the newspapers are growing convergent with their opinions concerning the burqa ban. When looking at the impact the implementation of the burqa ban has had on the dominant frames, a shift is visible post-implementation. Both newspapers have increased the use of the Societal Impact frame, increasing attention to the law’s implications. Looking forward, this thesis suggests additional research, including an exploration of the beginning of the debate in 2005, the recent victory of Wilders’ PVV, and other newspapers.Show less
In recent years, the Egyptian government has embarked on an ambitious development agenda, focusing on megaprojects to enhance economic, societal, and environmental progress. Amid economic...Show moreIn recent years, the Egyptian government has embarked on an ambitious development agenda, focusing on megaprojects to enhance economic, societal, and environmental progress. Amid economic challenges, there is a recognition of tourism's potential to boost foreign currency income. The government has shifted its tourism development focus from coastal resort towns to the culturally significant St. Catherine in South Sinai. A UNESCO heritage site and a natural protectorate, the site is believed to be where Moses received the Ten Commandments and houses the oldest continuously inhabited monastery globally. The newly initiated ‘al-Tagali al-Aatham’ project aims to transform the city into a global tourist destination, sparking economic growth for the city, the region, and the Egyptian state. However, environmental and heritage concerns have arisen. This thesis investigates the socio-economic impact of al-Tagali al-Aatham on St. Catherine, employing ethnographic fieldwork to explore perspectives from both the government and local Gabaliya Bedouin. Positioned within Sinai’s history of political contestation and nation-building efforts, the thesis positions the project as a case study of state-induced development on the ‘margins’ of an authoritarian state in an ethnically complex setting. It argues that al-Tagali al-Aatham serves as a nation-consolidation measure, promoting national identity and solidifying Sinai’s integration into the Egyptian nation-state by imposing nationalism, seeking peace, and presenting Egypt as a modern nation.Show less
This research explores the Palestinian-Israeli conflict from the perspective of Uri Davis, an anti-Zionist Palestinian Hebrew of Jewish origins. Davis is a scholar and activist who fully supports...Show moreThis research explores the Palestinian-Israeli conflict from the perspective of Uri Davis, an anti-Zionist Palestinian Hebrew of Jewish origins. Davis is a scholar and activist who fully supports the Palestinian right to self-determination, and was the first Israeli citizen to call Israel an apartheid state. This study focuses on the Israeli intra-group dynamics. The first section is a conceptual framework dedicated to explaining the origins of Zionism: the development of its cognitive repertoire, its solidification as a habitus at a societal level, and its affirmation as the hegemonic power in Israel. The section concludes with an assessment of the counter-hegemonic, anti-Zionist struggle. The following chapter illustrates the emergence of three categories of Jewish resistance to Zionism: the one of Orthodox Jews, of the Political Left, and of Intellectuals and Humanists. Finally, through Uri Davis’ autobiography and secondary literature, the final chapter analyzes language use and deconstructs ideas and events to evaluate Davis’ contribution to the anti-Zionist discourse and cause.Show less
This thesis investigates what political participation of Qatari citizens looked like during the diplomatic crisis in Qatar from 2017 until 2021. It does so by conducting a qualitative content...Show moreThis thesis investigates what political participation of Qatari citizens looked like during the diplomatic crisis in Qatar from 2017 until 2021. It does so by conducting a qualitative content analysis of articles published by BBC Monitoring throughout the period of the crisis and complements these with sources from news outlets and social media. The purpose of this work is to provide a better understanding of political participation in rentier states. This thesis concludes that four forms of unconventional political participation existed in Qatar during the diplomatic crisis, namely: digital street politics, contentious collective action, social nonmovements, and elite negotiation. These forms of participation primarily occurred on social media which is a result of the internal structure of politics in Qatar, such as the lack of available political arenas to voice opinions, and the lack of a clear political ideology with both the state and the opposition. Qatari political participation occurred largely in support of the regime because Qatari citizens felt that their national identity was threatened and because their livelihoods depend on the state. This, in combination with what other academic literature tells us, indicates that Qatari citizens have become more interested in politics. However, there are no signs that this will translate into more democratic governance.Show less
The occupation of Palestine by Israel is rarely studied from an environmental colonial perspective. Environmental issues, especially with the growing concerns over climate change, are instead...Show moreThe occupation of Palestine by Israel is rarely studied from an environmental colonial perspective. Environmental issues, especially with the growing concerns over climate change, are instead discussed in the dualist framework of nature versus society, in which human civilization is separated from the environment. Consequently, the environmental landscape is frequently perceived as ‘natural,’ and therefore: apolitical. In addition, the blame for the effects of climate problems in ex-colonies in the MENA is often put on the mismanagement of local people. In this way, the wider socio-political, cultural, and economic structures embedded in the environment, are overlooked. This thesis argues that in the last decennia art projects in Palestine highlight these often-ignored connections. They counter Israeli environmental colonialism in the West Bank, and show that the deterioration of the Palestinian environment is not an unfortunate byproduct of settler colonialism, but a factor that influences the entire ecology and various aspects of Palestinian life. Through the revival of ecology, (agri)cultural traditions, and communities, the art projects expose Israeli colonial practices that destruct Palestinian ecology. Within a human and ‘more-than-human’ ecology, they revive cultural and communal ties that are constantly threatened by settler colonial erasure. The artists resist these Israeli environmental colonial practices through sumud (‘steadfastness’), shifting away from the earlier symbolic display of landscape in Palestine, toward artistic interventions in the local ecology.Show less
Offensive realism has identified the Iranian interventionism in Syria as a major coercive regional strategy. The military and the political aspects of this intervention have been widely discussed....Show moreOffensive realism has identified the Iranian interventionism in Syria as a major coercive regional strategy. The military and the political aspects of this intervention have been widely discussed. However, the academic literature on the local dynamics of such policy in a post-colonial perspective is underdeveloped. Especially when we attempt to identify the sectarian consequences of the Iranian economic policies in Syria and the ramifications of settling and naturalizing increasing numbers of Shiites in Damascus, Homs, and the Lebanese borderline with Syria – ‘Useful Syria’ as defined by President Assad. These areas have suffered a drastic forced displacement of the original Sunni locals, only to be substituted with loyal new citizens of a Shiite background. This thesis discusses this topic, providing also an overview of the Iranian economic interventionism in Syria since 1979.Show less
In the conventional literature on human-environment relations in the Middle East, the environment is often treated as a dominant variable in explaining adverse social, economic, and political...Show moreIn the conventional literature on human-environment relations in the Middle East, the environment is often treated as a dominant variable in explaining adverse social, economic, and political realities. This deterministic way of interpreting the relationship between the Middle Eastern environment and its inhabitants has been subject to critique from a growing body of literature on political ecology. Although some political ecology research has challenged environmental deterministic assumptions by exploring the role of natural resources in environmental challenges in the Gulf, previous works have not yet provided a comprehensive analysis of various environmental dimensions in a single case study context. This thesis aims to fill this gap in the literature by asking: What is the role of natural resources in engaging with environmental challenges in relation to water, food, and energy in the United Arab Emirates (UAE)? This thesis examines the political-ecological metabolisms of three strategies employed to address environmental challenges in relation to water, energy, and food in the UAE: desalination, solar energy, and land grabs. With an explicit focus on power, this study reveals that humans and nature are intertwined, challenging the conventional academic wisdom.Show less
The growing dominance of the West and the decline of the Ottoman Empire triggered a new way of thinking that tried to reconcile Islam and modernity. The main goal of this research was to give voice...Show moreThe growing dominance of the West and the decline of the Ottoman Empire triggered a new way of thinking that tried to reconcile Islam and modernity. The main goal of this research was to give voice to the marginalized traditionalists through the figure of Muhammad Zahid al-Kawtharī in response to the growing influence of this Islamic reformist thinking. This was done through a discourse analysis of al-Kawtharī's article, titled "Al-la-madhhabiyya qanṭarat al-lā-dīniyya (Anti-Madhhabism is a steppingstone to irreligion)". Additionally, the strategies of "reading against the grain" and "reading with the grain" are carried out to highlight the interplay between dominant and alternative discourses. This provides a deeper understanding of the conflicting meanings, ideas, and arguments between Islamic modernists and traditionalists. Despite being excluded from the academic field, this research showed that al-Kawtharī was a very prolific scholar who played a significant role in shaping Islamic thought in Egypt. Furthermore, this research showed that Muslim scholars agreed and disagreed on certain issues despite endorsing different discourses, which underlines the importance of avoiding labels. Lastly, this research is an academic invitation to delve into the voices of other Muslim scholars who have been silenced under the growing influence of Islamic reformist discourse.Show less
Lebanon’s 17 October Uprising marked a watershed moment in the country’s history as it challenged the very foundation of the political system: sectarian power-sharing. It was the largest and most...Show moreLebanon’s 17 October Uprising marked a watershed moment in the country’s history as it challenged the very foundation of the political system: sectarian power-sharing. It was the largest and most diverse protest movement in decades and its anti-sectarian stature was entirely unprecedented. For the first time, many Lebanese called on their confessional leaders to resign. This thesis examines firstly why the uprising directed its focus toward political sectarianism as a primary cause of Lebanon’s political and economic plight. The inability or unwillingness of sectarian leaders to deliver basic services to their constituents created a situation in which Lebanese across all sects were more united than ever before in their collective plight. Second, it explores the timing of the uprising in the fall of 2019. It argues that the uprising was the culmination of simmering resentments that finally erupted as a result of deteriorating economic conditions, political corruption, and a series of disasters that the government failed to prevent or address. Lastly, the thesis investigates how the uprising helped propel anti-sectarian ideas that were previously taboo into mainstream political discourse. While the 17 October Uprising ultimately failed to achieve its objective of establishing a secular rather than sectarian political order, it stands as the most significant challenge to political sectarianism in the country’s history and could pave the way for future mobilizations in the same vein. This thesis will contribute to the nascent body of literature on the 17 October Uprising and the broader scholarship on sectarian power-sharing as a system of governance.Show less
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk is not only recognized as the founder of modern Turkey but also revered as its "eternal leader." His image holds significant cultural and political weight in Turkey, and...Show moreMustafa Kemal Atatürk is not only recognized as the founder of modern Turkey but also revered as its "eternal leader." His image holds significant cultural and political weight in Turkey, and understanding how it is constructed and portrayed in media is crucial for comprehending the evolution of Turkish national identity. This thesis explores the portrayal of Atatürk's image in cultural products, specifically through TV series, and how this portrayal has evolved over time, with a focus on the comparison between the TV series Liberation (1994) and Crossroad (2012). Using the research methodology of film analysis, this paper conducts a comparative study of two television series from content and context perspectives. It argues that while both television series emphasize Atatürk’s role as a Turkish nationalist, dedicated to modernization and democratic reforms, Liberation attempts to depict him as an almost unopposed omnipotent leader and retells the official history. In contrast, Crossroad highlights the significant disagreements between the Republican People's Party officials and Atatürk, as well as societal opposition to the party’s rule in the context of the establishment of a loyal opposition party, Liberal Republican Party. These differences are closely related to the changes in Atatürk veneration and the secular institutions’ status from the 1990s to the 2010s, shifts in the government's promotion of national identity, and the policies of the Justice and Development Party government in the 2010s. In summary, this thesis addresses the previous research gap regarding the portrayal of Atatürk in television series and links the trajectory of Atatürk's image transformation to the social and political changes in Turkey.Show less
