Hamas has changed considerably over the past 30 years. The movement that arose in 1987 as a military resistance originated as a charity organisation and nowadays participates in Palestinian...Show moreHamas has changed considerably over the past 30 years. The movement that arose in 1987 as a military resistance originated as a charity organisation and nowadays participates in Palestinian politics. Hamas entered Palestinian politics in 2005 when the Palestinians conducted the first free elections for the Palestinian National Authority (PA). Few expected Hamas to win the elections and Western diplomats had assessed Hamas as a radical Islamic organisation preferring violence over political participation to pursue its goals. However, Hamas won the elections and ended Fatah’ domination of the PA. After this victory, Hamas underwent a complex process to assert authority and control over the Gaza Strip in 2007. This complex process coincided with the transformation of Hamas from a resistance movement to a political party. This thesis focusses on this transition and aims to generate a better understanding of Hamas’ performance as a political party and what has been called a ‘rebel government’. This study explores whether the movement can function as a partner in dialogue for peace talks in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. To this end, this thesis aims to answer the following research question: To what extent is it possible for Hamas to become a legitimate partner in the dialogue regarding the peace process in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict?Show less
This thesis provides an analysis of claims about veiling in parliamentary debates between 2007 and 2019. In my research, I have further build on Saharso and Lettinga’s work, who have analyzed...Show moreThis thesis provides an analysis of claims about veiling in parliamentary debates between 2007 and 2019. In my research, I have further build on Saharso and Lettinga’s work, who have analyzed public debates about veiling (1999-2006). Developments of the past fourteen years called for a comprehensive analysis of the use of frames in political debates with an updated framework to see if these developments signify new (clusters of) frames. I have defined five clusters of frames: (1) state-church frames, (2) integration frames, (3) discrimination frames, (4) gender frames, and (5) security frames. Based on a content analysis of parliamentary debates, I conclude that there have been developments in debates about veiling, which signify either new frames or new clusters of frames. Research showed that the use of security frames indeed signifies a new cluster of frames, particularly resonant in burqa debates. Another observation is that the integration, discrimination and gender frames are part of larger debates and, in contrast to the state-church and security frames, cannot be linked to particular debates or specific public realms, neither can they be organized in time. While the discrimination frames seem to be a separate cluster in relation to the integration frames, this does not mean that the integration frames have become less relevant in debates about veiling. Another outcome is that the Judeo-Christian heritage frame is incidentally used in parliamentary debates and does not represent a certain trend or development. Lastly, the state-church frames are still relevant in debates about veiling, particularly in debates about accommodation of headscarves in the police force.Show less
In deze scriptie neem ik drie websites onder de loep die zelf claimen de methodologie van het salafisme te volgen. Ik zet de bevindingen in de context van de academische literatuur, en naast de...Show moreIn deze scriptie neem ik drie websites onder de loep die zelf claimen de methodologie van het salafisme te volgen. Ik zet de bevindingen in de context van de academische literatuur, en naast de definitie van de overheid, door een kwalitatieve content analyse te maken. Uit het onderzoek blijkt dat de overheid weliswaar een idee heeft wat het salafisme inhoudt, maar ondertussen religieuze concepten te veel benadrukt, daar waar de websites ze zelf minder aandacht geven. Ondertussen schenkt de overheid te weinig aandacht aan religieuze concepten die voor de websites juist heel belangrijk zijn. Dit komt met name omdat de overheid zich op veiligheid concentreert, en niet zozeer op de theologie. De theologische aspecten die de maatschappelijke veiligheid mogelijk kunnen bedreigen, krijgen hierdoor meer aandacht dan theologisch gerechtvaardigd zou zijn. Hierdoor is de definitie van de overheid in theologische zin onvoldoende accuraat, en slechts beperkt van toepassing in de Nederlandse context.Show less
This thesis describes the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s ideological ambiguities embedded within the group’s political discourse and its ideological development since Hosni Mubarak’s presidency, on...Show moreThis thesis describes the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s ideological ambiguities embedded within the group’s political discourse and its ideological development since Hosni Mubarak’s presidency, on the topic of the nature of the state. Whilst originally rejecting liberal democratic values and a secular state altogether, the Brothers have since the 1980’s gradually adopted those values within their Islamist framework, and started participating in Egyptian politics. However, this approach led to significant ideological ambiguities on a number of central issues, such as the source of political authority (people or God?) and the role of shari’a (Islamic law) in society. By thorough analysis of the Brotherhood’s post-Mubarak political discourse on these issues, as well as taking into account government-Brotherhood relations, the Brotherhood’s internal dealings, and nationwide events, the writer contends that the Brotherhood’s ideological ambiguities remained firmly in place into the post-Mubarak era, hampering its ability to be a successful political actor in a post-Mubarak Egypt.Show less
In this thesis, I examined forms and elements of religiosity among Iraqi Shiite Muslim men who take part in activities organised by the Alcauther Stichting based in The Hague, where I conducted a...Show moreIn this thesis, I examined forms and elements of religiosity among Iraqi Shiite Muslim men who take part in activities organised by the Alcauther Stichting based in The Hague, where I conducted a field research during one year. I attempted to provide answers to the question how the attendees of Alcauther apprehend and apply normative knowledge on Twelver Shiite Islam in their daily lives and religiosity. I found that my respondents sought practical-oriented knowledge to improve their daily religiosity within the circumstances of their daily lives. I also found that they individualise their religiosity in social settings. This individualisation takes the shape of pragmatism, as in some instances, they consciously choose to abstain from applying religious rules because they don’t “fit” into certain social situations. Pragmatism could also be noted in their performance of these rituals due to their professional obligations. Finally, I described and discussed their performance of collective rituals during the month of Muharram.Show less
