In this thesis I will review the dynamics of economic relations between Israel and Palestine, in the context of its corresponding policy framework and the institutional arrangements (the Oslo...Show moreIn this thesis I will review the dynamics of economic relations between Israel and Palestine, in the context of its corresponding policy framework and the institutional arrangements (the Oslo Accords) that cover the implementation and management of those relations. I focus on the effect of the agreements on Palestine’s capacity to generate revenue, and will analyse this from three economic domains in which revenue can be generated: trade, taxation and labour. I will argue that the Oslo peace process has formalized and institutionalized economic relations that foster serious economic dependency, and that the agreements have failed to address the core economic weaknesses the Palestinian economy has had to deal with as a consequence of prolonged occupation and colonial structures.Show less
Recently, scholarly debate on peacebuilding and reconciliation is making a “local-turn”, pointing towards local actors, such as civil society organizations, to achieve inclusive and locally...Show moreRecently, scholarly debate on peacebuilding and reconciliation is making a “local-turn”, pointing towards local actors, such as civil society organizations, to achieve inclusive and locally grounded peace and reconciliation. Despite this interest, little studies have examined if, and how, these local actors make a contribution to these goals. Such a case is Lebanon, characterized by protracted, sectarian conflict, but where a group of CSOs is active within this contentious nexus between conflict and peace. How does the work of these CSOs fit in the paradigm of reconciliation? Can they contribute to reconciliation in Lebanon? Following these questions, this research suggests that these CSOs can be understood through the framework of political reconciliation of Schaap (2005). Furthermore, they exhibit various functions to a reconciliation process: They advocate new narratives on identity, conflict and history, and the rights of victims. It arises that participatory and grassroot approaches are most conducive to successes of the CSOs. At the same time, the strategy and goals of the CSOs are negotiated by constraining factors. In what I call a ‘negotiated reconciliation process’ sectarian and corrupt structures on the one hand, and resource-based problems and international donor wishes on the other, mitigate the level of success of the CSOs.Show less
Dreams, development, destiny. Every nation has a fantasy for itself, a part of which is infrastructure development. Research has shown that these visions are affected by historical visionary themes...Show moreDreams, development, destiny. Every nation has a fantasy for itself, a part of which is infrastructure development. Research has shown that these visions are affected by historical visionary themes and shifts in spatial boundaries. This study aims to uncover how these visions are manifested regionally and globally. These visions have been challenged by certain realities of infrastructure development. The angle of labour recruitment brings to light how the fantasy of enhanced employment rates and economic success has been disempowered through the exclusion of unskilled labour communities. Building on existing work on social exclusion I ask the question : How has labour recruitment within port structures impacted the developmental and geopolitical imaginations of state actors that are co-developing with the Chinese BRI? This thesis critically engages with debates surrounding labour recruitment and Foreign Direct Investment through two case studies - the UAE and Pakistan. It uses port development as a conceptual space in which these labour recruitment challenges visibly undermine national visions. The study concludes that geopolitical imaginations create ideal mirages of economic development enabling accessibility through infrastructure networks while overlooking the exclusion of unskilled minority labour communities which has the potential to threaten national security.Show less
Despite the rentier state literature predicts a negative impact of the oil rent on the Middle Eastern monarchies, both Kuwait and Bahrain adopted constitutional experiments in the early twentieth...Show moreDespite the rentier state literature predicts a negative impact of the oil rent on the Middle Eastern monarchies, both Kuwait and Bahrain adopted constitutional experiments in the early twentieth century. Yet, Kuwait and Bahrain’s paths also both diverged. By employing a structured comparison of similar cases with different outcomes, this thesis seeks to explain the different paths pursued by the two monarchies, despite their identical liberalisation attempts. It is argued that the controlled parliamentary transition at the independence was planned by the rulers to secure their rule, while external threats acted as catalysts. While in Bahrain the external actors backed the Al Khalifa authoritarian tendencies, avoiding a parliamentary reinstatement, the Al Sabah repeatedly turned to the National Assembly to appease and balance the opposition. Consequently, a powerful parliament, considered dangerous in Bahrain, became an integral part of the Kuwaiti politics and identity.Show less
Although often overshadowed by the tumult in the region, and in Iraq specifically, there has been discussion in recent years of the normalization of relations between Kuwait and Iraq. The primary...Show moreAlthough often overshadowed by the tumult in the region, and in Iraq specifically, there has been discussion in recent years of the normalization of relations between Kuwait and Iraq. The primary purposes of this study are, first, to provide an analysis of Kuwaiti foreign policy toward Iraq and, second, to determine the role of regional inter-state structures in shaping this policy. Using journalistic accounts, statements from government officials, and data concerning macroeconomic activity and military expenditure, this research shows that relations have indeed gotten closer between Kuwait and Iraq, particularly since 2010. Additionally, evidence is presented demonstrating that Kuwait is engaging in a foreign policy strategy of hedging in its relations with Iraq, allowing it to prepare for multiple potential security threats while maximizing short-term economic and political benefits. It is argued that closer ties between Kuwait and Iraq have been enabled and incentivized by the changing structure (both material and social) of international relations in the Gulf region. Finally, through its analysis of Kuwaiti foreign policy toward Iraq, this thesis seeks to demonstrate the potential usefulness of the concepts of strategic hedging and structural power in the analysis of small state behavior in international relations.Show less
Abstract: This study is a case study of the dairy sector in the West Bank. It is based on qualitative field research and an extensive literature review. By asking how dairy farmers and dairy...Show moreAbstract: This study is a case study of the dairy sector in the West Bank. It is based on qualitative field research and an extensive literature review. By asking how dairy farmers and dairy factory owners in the Hebron governorate perceive opportunities for and constraints to the expansion of their holdings, it analyses them in light of occupation policies and their implications for economic autonomy in the occupied Palestinian territories. On an empirical level, it concludes that intensive dairy cattle farms are better suited to land and water constraints than other forms of agriculture. On a theoretical level, it finds that Israeli neglect of bilateral agreements and ‘casual constraints’ preclude Palestinian economic autonomy, indicating the latter’s interdependence with the achievement of national sovereignty.Show less
Suez is a seaport city which is one of the two gates of the Suez Canal. Most media talked about Tahrir Square in Cairo as the epicenter of the Arab Spring in Egypt. However the truth is that Suez...Show moreSuez is a seaport city which is one of the two gates of the Suez Canal. Most media talked about Tahrir Square in Cairo as the epicenter of the Arab Spring in Egypt. However the truth is that Suez was genuinely the center of the unprecendented uprising, as it was the first city to rise up against Hosni Mubarak. Likewise, Suez was also sadly known for being the city where the first protester was killed in Egypt during the January 2011 uprisings. Therein, Suez was renowned across Egypt for carrying ‘The Flame of Revolution‘. As such, some activists referred to Suez as the ‘Egyptian Sidi Bouzid’.Show less
The thesis provides a look into the intricate relationship between the Sunni tribes of Iraq, primarily in the al-Anbar province, and the U.S.-led Coalition as well as with Al-Qaeda in Iraq, during...Show moreThe thesis provides a look into the intricate relationship between the Sunni tribes of Iraq, primarily in the al-Anbar province, and the U.S.-led Coalition as well as with Al-Qaeda in Iraq, during the U.S. invasion between 2003 and 2009. It paints a picture of the tribal consolidation that occurred during this time, between the various tribes and tribal affiliations, as a direct result of the uncertainty and lack of security in Iraq during this period, and in particular the uncertain future of Sunnis in the predominantly Shi'a country. The thesis provides information about the incentive-based relationship between the Sunni tribes and the various actors in the conflict, and presents an argument that this short-term cooperation hampered any future attempts for cooperation between the Iraqi government and the Sunnis. It also argues that this type of cooperation resulted in the division of the country within its sectarian and religious lines.Show less
