The overwhelming majority of the more than five and a half million Syrians have fled to neighboring countries in the Middle East without their civil documents. Particularly in a refugee context, it...Show moreThe overwhelming majority of the more than five and a half million Syrians have fled to neighboring countries in the Middle East without their civil documents. Particularly in a refugee context, it is crucial for the standard of living for Syrian refugees and eventual return to Syria to be adequately documented. Complex civil registration systems in the host countries, however, often prevent Syrian refugees from obtaining civil documentation, thereby expanding the problem of the lack and loss of civil documentation of Syrian refugees. This thesis examines the different civil registration systems and their consequences for Syrian refugees in Jordan, Turkey, and Lebanon through an in-depth analysis focusing on legal status, marriage and birth registration. This thesis argues that the difference in implemented civil registration systems is determined by each host country’s social, political, and economic situation before and during the Syrian refugee influx and the extent to which the Syrian refugees have impacted the country, positively and negatively. In Turkey, the government has adopted a temporary protection regime, which includes refugee-sensitive civil registration systems. However, in Lebanon and to a lesser extent Jordan, Syrian refugees are still facing many challenges trying to obtain civil documentation due to the complex civil registration systems. As the eight years of hosting refugees has turned out more harmful than beneficial for the host countries, discussions on the return of Syrian refugees has increasingly become louder. However, a lot of change is still required to ensure that Syrian refugees are adequately documented.Show less
With Jordan's poor economy prior to the outbreak of the Syrian Civil War and the subsequent influx of more than 1 million Syrian Refugees into the nation, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan has...Show moreWith Jordan's poor economy prior to the outbreak of the Syrian Civil War and the subsequent influx of more than 1 million Syrian Refugees into the nation, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan has suffered economically from their arrival. The worsening of the demographic imbalance, increasing the water scarcity further, and impacting the high unemployment rates of the nation, it is hard to see how Jordan could possibly benefit from the refugees. However through the careful and efficient use of the investments made into the refugee camps and into Jordan as well by the international community, Jordan can turn this burden into a boost for both the Jordanians and the Syrian refugees.Show less
In this paper, I investigate the relationship between the marriage institution and political legitimacy in Saudi society from a feminist perspective. I argue that the inherent inequality between...Show moreIn this paper, I investigate the relationship between the marriage institution and political legitimacy in Saudi society from a feminist perspective. I argue that the inherent inequality between men and women embedded in the Ḥanbalī marriage contract and Najdī customs was utilized by the state in the 1932 Saudi-Wahhābī alliance to create a specific “Saudi patriarchy” designed to subjugate citizens. I further examine the durability of this patriarchy post-1932 and argue that the Saudi state and its ‘ulamā’ successfully continued to manipulate the institution of matrimony to monitor and control the sexuality of its subjects which effectively distracted some citizens from pursuing their political rights. After discussing the creation and application of Saudi patriarchy, I contend that such a system needs to be deconstructed through the reformulation of the Ḥanbalī marriage contract to eradicate the gender hierarchy embedded within it. This research also attempts to explore whether this social change that can create empowered Saudi identities can also lead to political reform.Show less
Despite the rentier state literature predicts a negative impact of the oil rent on the Middle Eastern monarchies, both Kuwait and Bahrain adopted constitutional experiments in the early twentieth...Show moreDespite the rentier state literature predicts a negative impact of the oil rent on the Middle Eastern monarchies, both Kuwait and Bahrain adopted constitutional experiments in the early twentieth century. Yet, Kuwait and Bahrain’s paths also both diverged. By employing a structured comparison of similar cases with different outcomes, this thesis seeks to explain the different paths pursued by the two monarchies, despite their identical liberalisation attempts. It is argued that the controlled parliamentary transition at the independence was planned by the rulers to secure their rule, while external threats acted as catalysts. While in Bahrain the external actors backed the Al Khalifa authoritarian tendencies, avoiding a parliamentary reinstatement, the Al Sabah repeatedly turned to the National Assembly to appease and balance the opposition. Consequently, a powerful parliament, considered dangerous in Bahrain, became an integral part of the Kuwaiti politics and identity.Show less
In deze scriptie neem ik drie websites onder de loep die zelf claimen de methodologie van het salafisme te volgen. Ik zet de bevindingen in de context van de academische literatuur, en naast de...Show moreIn deze scriptie neem ik drie websites onder de loep die zelf claimen de methodologie van het salafisme te volgen. Ik zet de bevindingen in de context van de academische literatuur, en naast de definitie van de overheid, door een kwalitatieve content analyse te maken. Uit het onderzoek blijkt dat de overheid weliswaar een idee heeft wat het salafisme inhoudt, maar ondertussen religieuze concepten te veel benadrukt, daar waar de websites ze zelf minder aandacht geven. Ondertussen schenkt de overheid te weinig aandacht aan religieuze concepten die voor de websites juist heel belangrijk zijn. Dit komt met name omdat de overheid zich op veiligheid concentreert, en niet zozeer op de theologie. De theologische aspecten die de maatschappelijke veiligheid mogelijk kunnen bedreigen, krijgen hierdoor meer aandacht dan theologisch gerechtvaardigd zou zijn. Hierdoor is de definitie van de overheid in theologische zin onvoldoende accuraat, en slechts beperkt van toepassing in de Nederlandse context.Show less
Relations between Italy and Iran seem to escape common conceptual definitions commonly used by international relations (IR) scholars. The two countries are not allied. They belong to different...Show moreRelations between Italy and Iran seem to escape common conceptual definitions commonly used by international relations (IR) scholars. The two countries are not allied. They belong to different international blocs and diverge on a number foreign policy issues. They have different preferences and goals. Yet, their relations have been connoted by consistent mutual empathy. The fact that Italy is a “Western” country – being one of the founders of United Europe and a member of NATO – has never jeopardised its relations with Tehran, even when an anti-Western attitude was strategically preferred by Iran for both domestic and international purposes. Not even Khomeini’s revolution and the international sanctions did completely stop their relations, and Italy has long been Iran’s main trading partner.We can say that two thousand years of history and cultural traditions make the two countries closer than it may superficially appear and are the basis for a deep political discourse. In my analysis I will examine how the two countries have managed to safeguard their respective interests within a reciprocal relationship that has remained constant despite the arising of internal ideologically antithetical situations, e.g. in Italy the opposition between DC and PCI1 during the cold war, and in Iran the transition from the Pahlavi regime to Khomeini’s theocracy. The interests, the will to keep commercial and business channels in general open have been the winning cards that can make us say today that the ‘special liaison’ exists, is factual and can be fully analysed in the IR field.Show less
Egypt is a water scarce country with declining water resources but, at the same time, a rapidly growing population rate. These two diverging trends are especially noticeable in the agricultural,...Show moreEgypt is a water scarce country with declining water resources but, at the same time, a rapidly growing population rate. These two diverging trends are especially noticeable in the agricultural, industrial and real estate sector where water as a production factor is needed to satisfy increasing demands. The water needs of these three sectors were changed in the 1990s when Egypt introduced a set of neoliberal reforms as a requirement for deeper integration into the international political economy. In this context, water became a significant development asset and the three sectors in question turned into the biggest water consumers. Several water amelioration policies and programs have therefore been implemented in order to guarantee water availability, accessibility and sustainability. The thesis focuses on these water amelioration programs in the three sectors and uses a dual theoretical approach for outlining water management practices.Show less
"With great power comes great responsibility." In a modern neoliberal democratic society responsibility is distributed to different domains of society. My thesis is based on the theoretical notion...Show more"With great power comes great responsibility." In a modern neoliberal democratic society responsibility is distributed to different domains of society. My thesis is based on the theoretical notion of negotiation between state and citizen in the public sphere. I have theorized that within a democratic society, civil society associations represent various segments of society. Additionally, civil society associations are necessary in order to let elections function democratically. Another important element is the political rationale of neoliberalism in a modern democracy. This rationale determines how the relationship of civil society and state is defined and how responsibility is distributed. The distribution of responsibility equals distribution of power, and to justify the use of power actors instrumentalize morality.Show less
This research puts a focus on the presentation of the history of the Islamic Republic of Iran in contemporary schoolbooks used on primary schools in Iran in 2016. As a conclusion, I argue that the...Show moreThis research puts a focus on the presentation of the history of the Islamic Republic of Iran in contemporary schoolbooks used on primary schools in Iran in 2016. As a conclusion, I argue that the current Iranian regime legitimizes its power through a certain presentation of the modern history of Iran after the Iranian Revolution of 1979. Notions of nationalism and Islam are important and point to a certain framing of descriptions around events such as the Iranian Revolution, the Iran-Iraq War and Iran's relations with the 'West'. Education therefore seems to be used as a powerful tool by the current government of the Islamic Republic of Iran.Show less
This thesis examines the role of art and creativity in Palestinian refugees camps in Lebanon. Despite living under difficult conditions of displacement, statelessness and confinement, Palestinians...Show moreThis thesis examines the role of art and creativity in Palestinian refugees camps in Lebanon. Despite living under difficult conditions of displacement, statelessness and confinement, Palestinians use the resources available in refugee camps to create defiant works of art. By appropriating symbols of oppression like walls and barbed wire and transforming them into art, Palestinian refugees articulate forms of resistance. Drawing on Henri Lefebvre’s theories of urban space and Michel de Certeau’s concept of “bricolage”, this study sheds light on the actors and dynamics that enable discourses and practices of cultural resistance in the context of confinement and marginalisation. It explores the meanings of street art in Palestinian refugee camps and the ways people living under difficult conditions overcome restrictions through their creativity and resourcefulness.Show less
This thesis asks why the ongoing conflict between Palestinians and Israelis, has become a prominent issue within the British Labour Party. Further, it seeks to examine whether or not positions on...Show moreThis thesis asks why the ongoing conflict between Palestinians and Israelis, has become a prominent issue within the British Labour Party. Further, it seeks to examine whether or not positions on the conflict and expressions of solidarity with the Palestinians by members of the Party follow a general trend, and which external and internal factors have brought about the relative prominence of the conflict within the Party. It uses textual and discourse analysis to examine these questions and focuses on the formation of discourses around Palestine in the elite of the Labour party in the post-war period, with a particular focus on the period following the 1973 October war.Show less
