The government of the Netherlands had an immediate interest in the political developments on the Arabian peninsula during the 1918-1930 period. Large numbers of its Dutch East Indies Muslim...Show moreThe government of the Netherlands had an immediate interest in the political developments on the Arabian peninsula during the 1918-1930 period. Large numbers of its Dutch East Indies Muslim colonial subjects made the pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina every year. The Indies colonial authorities were bent on controlling and regulating this journey in an effort to control the pilgrims themselves. Especially because Mecca was suspected of being the centre of an anti-colonial conspiracy in the eyes of some officials like the Delft professor and journalist Salomon Keyzer and the Dutch consul at Jeddah J.A. Kruijt . A good working relationship with the authorities of Mecca and Medina and by extent the whole of the Hijaz would certainly help to achieve this. By 1927 this relationship was apparently very good. How did this come to be? The main question of this master thesis will be: how did the different Dutch consuls and Dutch East Indies civil servants perceive the political developments on the Arabian peninsula in the period 1918-1930? I will argue that the observations and conclusions of these two groups, the Jeddah consuls and the Dutch East Indies civil servants, were to a very large extent determined by two different and contrary streams in Dutch colonial philosophy: the ‘ethical school’ and a conservative reaction to this ‘school’.Show less
This thesis aims to examine the various discursive approaches utilised by development organisations which work to ameliorate the status of women both globally and locally. In particular, the thesis...Show moreThis thesis aims to examine the various discursive approaches utilised by development organisations which work to ameliorate the status of women both globally and locally. In particular, the thesis compares the discourse analyses of international development organisations and Moroccan women's NGOs in order to identify recurrent terminologies and discrepancies in their construction of a feminist narrative. The results of the discourse analyses allow to further focus on the link between discourse, gender and hegemony by assessing whether the comparison demonstrates the presence of a prevailing feminist discourse on an ideological and linguistic level. In fact, the initial influence of international organisations in the development of Moroccan women’s NGOs has caused the presence of analogous nodal points definable as the transnational feminist language. Nevertheless, through the reformulation of the transnational language, the use of locally bounded nodal points, as well as through the unuse of the notion of empowerment Moroccan women’s NGOs have developed an independent and flexible strategy in constructing their feminist narrative which is increasingly overcoming the international tendency of hegemonizing the feminist discourse. Moreover, the semantic individuality elaborated by Moroccan women’s NGOs can be crucial to increase the participation of the principal receivers of their projects: hence, Moroccan women.Show less
In this thesis I will review the dynamics of economic relations between Israel and Palestine, in the context of its corresponding policy framework and the institutional arrangements (the Oslo...Show moreIn this thesis I will review the dynamics of economic relations between Israel and Palestine, in the context of its corresponding policy framework and the institutional arrangements (the Oslo Accords) that cover the implementation and management of those relations. I focus on the effect of the agreements on Palestine’s capacity to generate revenue, and will analyse this from three economic domains in which revenue can be generated: trade, taxation and labour. I will argue that the Oslo peace process has formalized and institutionalized economic relations that foster serious economic dependency, and that the agreements have failed to address the core economic weaknesses the Palestinian economy has had to deal with as a consequence of prolonged occupation and colonial structures.Show less
Despite the fact that Middle Eastern states tend to align in loose and informal ways, rather than form formal alliances with each other, scholars have attempted to apply Western-centric theories on...Show moreDespite the fact that Middle Eastern states tend to align in loose and informal ways, rather than form formal alliances with each other, scholars have attempted to apply Western-centric theories on alliance formation in the Middle East. This thesis highlights the limits of Western-centric theories when applied on non-Western regions. In doing so, this thesis focuses on one crucial non-Western region, the Middle East, and asks if the leading Western-centric alliance formation theories (balance-of threat, balance-ofpower and ideological solidarity) can explain the alignments made in the Middle East during the First Gulf War, if so to what extent, and if not what an alternative could be. It researches this question through the systematic exploration of one topical moment of Middle East contemporary history, which caused major regional realignment in the region: The First Gulf War in 1990. The findings of the case study, show that seven of the eight states considered in the case study had to balance the external threat (of Iraq threatening the status quo after invading Kuwait) as well as internal threats (of public unrest, economic difficulties and diminishment of their leadership position in the region). Therefore, this thesis will argue that the balance-of-power, balance-of-threat and ideological solidarity theories cannot explain alignment formation in the Middle East in their current form, as these theories only take external threats into account. Only if the balance-of-threat theory is expanded to include internal threats as well as external threats may it explain the formation of alignments in the Middle East during the First Gulf War. The ‘regime security’ approach of Ryan is, therefore, considered to be a suitable alternative approach, as it examines ruling regimes and their insecurities, considering external as well as internal threats. Nevertheless, this approach needs to be expanded as well, in order to include the external influence coercive diplomacy and the use of multiple strategies have on state behaviour of other states. Every state was externally influenced through these strategies, leading them to join the U.N. coalition or declare neutrality with large repercussions. This has not been discussed in alliance formation literature before. Finally, the strategies balancing and bandwagoning need to be revised as well as the definitions do not hold up in a coalition, especially regarding the Middle East where states have large differences in military capabilities.Show less
This thesis investigates the effects of neoliberalism on labour and the social reproduction of labour. The thesis provides a literature review of the extensive literature on neoliberalism in...Show moreThis thesis investigates the effects of neoliberalism on labour and the social reproduction of labour. The thesis provides a literature review of the extensive literature on neoliberalism in general and in Egypt before providing a historical account of neoliberal reforms and their effect on the corporatist bargain between labour and the state. It then proceeds to discuss the effects of neoliberalism on informality, welfare and repression. The thesis argues that on all these fronts workers have been increasingly marginalised and forced to live in substandard conditions. Neoliberalism has caused a spike in informal employment and informal settlements. This informality results in decreased working conditions, wages and housing conditions. Another effect of the neoliberal reforms was the reduction of state provision of welfare. This vacuum was filled by private actors, often those families and individuals who benefitted from the neoliberal reforms in the first place. Labour is now dependent on private actors to provide services, which used to be a right based on citizenship. Harvey characterises neoliberal reforms as accumulation through dispossession. Lastly, the thesis claims that resistance to this dispossession has been effectively repressed through legal obstacles, Sisi-linked media narratives securitising resistance and an increased security apparatus. Overall, workers have suffered the brunt of neoliberal reform to the benefit of a select group of elites, who now attempt to form a coalition with the security forces to maintain stability, prevent another 2011 and maintain their accumulated wealth.Show less
This thesis explores the relationship between Kurdish publications and other informal cultural activities and Kurdish identity in Syria under the rule of Hafez al-Assad. In order to Arabise the...Show moreThis thesis explores the relationship between Kurdish publications and other informal cultural activities and Kurdish identity in Syria under the rule of Hafez al-Assad. In order to Arabise the Kurds, Hafez al-Assad’s government decided to restrict the Kurds’ cultural choices by forcing them to accept the Arabic language and culture instead of their own traditions. In response, Syrian Kurds resisted in many ways to defend their rights, such as promoting Kurdish education, publications, and cultural rallies, which influenced the construction of different Kurdish identities in Syria. Mainstream Kurdish political parties were the major leading power in educational activities and cultural gatherings, which intended to build a gentle ethnic identity that combined the Kurdish peculiarity and the Syrian commonality. By contrast, Syrian Kurdish publications produced by the nationalist intellectuals expressed a more radical national identity. In addition, some Kurdish activists, who were dissatisfied with the leadership of the Kurdish parties, also displayed a radical Kurdish identity with a nationalist tendency in Newroz celebrations. Although Kurdish identities influenced by different powers were different, there were still similarities among them. They all chose cultural activities as their way to emphasise Kurdish consciousness. Meanwhile, these activities enabled Kurds with different identities to communicate with each other, which contributed to the trend of the rise of a more collective Kurdish identity in Syria.Show less
In my thesis, I argue that the end of the Cold War affected Israel’s role in the U.S. Middle East strategy. During the Cold War, this role was predominantly military. However, the end of the Cold...Show moreIn my thesis, I argue that the end of the Cold War affected Israel’s role in the U.S. Middle East strategy. During the Cold War, this role was predominantly military. However, the end of the Cold War changed this and as a result, this role was predominantly political and economic after the Cold War. I base my research on a combination of two theories: constructivism, an approach of International Relations (IR), and Historical Sociology (HS).Show less
This thesis researched how the gender role of women developed in Iran between 1979 and 2009. The private and public lives of women were central by studying family law, women in politics and...Show moreThis thesis researched how the gender role of women developed in Iran between 1979 and 2009. The private and public lives of women were central by studying family law, women in politics and educational opportunities for women.Show less
This thesis describes the discourse of empowerment of women in Egypt, on the social media platform Facebook. The research question is: how do women in Egypt portray 'women's empowerment' on social...Show moreThis thesis describes the discourse of empowerment of women in Egypt, on the social media platform Facebook. The research question is: how do women in Egypt portray 'women's empowerment' on social media under conditions of political repression, patriarchy, and neoliberalism?Show less
This thesis attempts to trace the Arab sense of national belonging to the Ottoman state in the immediate prelude to the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. It analyzes Arab popular sentiment...Show moreThis thesis attempts to trace the Arab sense of national belonging to the Ottoman state in the immediate prelude to the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. It analyzes Arab popular sentiment toward the Ottoman state, specifically toward the Committee of Union and Progress (İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti, CUP or Unionists) during the period between 1909 and 1914. In doing so, it seeks to deconstruct the post-Ottoman, Arab, nationalist, meta-historical narrative that commonly links the development of Arab proto-nationalism during the CUP period (1908–1918) with the creation of Arab nation states in the post-Ottoman period, in which the Arab (Sharifian) revolt of 1916 is often presented as the main event that gave way to that transition.Show less
This thesis deals with the territorial integrity of Iraq within American foreign policy, and argues that American support of Iraq's territorial integrity hinges on strategic assumptions and wishful...Show moreThis thesis deals with the territorial integrity of Iraq within American foreign policy, and argues that American support of Iraq's territorial integrity hinges on strategic assumptions and wishful thinking. By reviewing the history of American foreign policy in regards to the territorial integrity of Iraq, and zooming in on the policies of the Clinton and Bush W. Bush administrations, this thesis explains how the idea of a unitary Iraq has become so persistent within American foreign policy.Show less
In the last century the Netherlands went through several large changes. After the Second World War, the Netherlands, as many other West-European countries, modernized which included the creation of...Show moreIn the last century the Netherlands went through several large changes. After the Second World War, the Netherlands, as many other West-European countries, modernized which included the creation of large industry, the process of destratification, secularization, emancipation of women, democratization of politics and the emancipation of minority groups like homosexuals. Supposedly, Iran went through an opposite and backward development. From the glory years of the Shah, when modernization of Iran was top priority, the country rapidly declined, in the eyes of the Dutch, into the realm of a backward religious society which the Netherlands tried to espouse for a long time. The knowledge Dutch people have about Iran is not based on individuals visiting Iran but on how the media portrays Iran and reports on Middle Eastern affairs. However, is this dichotomy between Iran, as an Eastern country, and the Netherlands, as a Western country, so clear? When looking into contemporary documentaries Iran is still portrayed as different country than the Netherlands. Portraying is focused on the religious repression, backward economy, bearded men and veiled women. When comparing the footage of contemporary documentaries with documentaries from the start of this genre in 1960, the same type of footage is shown. Has Iran not changed since then? This type of footage seems to fall under the greater themes of Orientalism and the Western narrative of modernity and have been present in the Western conception of the Middle East for very long. This research focusses on the discourses of Orientalism and the Western narrative of modernity in Iranian representation in Dutch documentaries from 1960 until 2018 and the continuity and discontinuity in this representation. This research contributes to the understanding of the development of Orientalism and the Western narrative of modernity in the 20th and 21st century.Show less
The poetry of the Afghan Taliban offers an interesting angle to look at the organization. It shows that aesthetics are a relevant way to observe political organizations in order to discover things...Show moreThe poetry of the Afghan Taliban offers an interesting angle to look at the organization. It shows that aesthetics are a relevant way to observe political organizations in order to discover things that would have remained undiscovered by other research.Show less
