The Dutch company ASML produces internationally indispensable machines that manufacture advanced semiconductor chips. As a small state, the Netherlands are now caught between China and the US,...Show moreThe Dutch company ASML produces internationally indispensable machines that manufacture advanced semiconductor chips. As a small state, the Netherlands are now caught between China and the US, which are both interested in securing ASML technology. The purpose of this study is to look at the small state strategies employed by the Netherlands in reaction to US pressure to adopt export controls and what the impact is of ASML as a critical node on the power sources of the Netherlands. It proposes that a critical node mostly affects a small state’s intrinsic power (positively) and collective power (negatively). This will be researched by looking at official Dutch and American policy documents and interviews with government officials. It aims to add work on small state power and foreign policy strategies.Show less
The multicultural landscape within most countries has led to a rich tapestry of cultures and ethnicities, with generations of immigrants navigating the complexities of reconciling their heritage...Show moreThe multicultural landscape within most countries has led to a rich tapestry of cultures and ethnicities, with generations of immigrants navigating the complexities of reconciling their heritage culture with their current society. This research delves into the construction of ethnic identity among different generations of migrants, by focusing on the Portuguese community in Toronto, Canada. By exploring the experiences of different generations of migrants, this study aims to answer the following question: How do different generations of migrants construct their ethnic identity? Through thematic analysis and in-depth interviews, this research will explore the intricate dynamics of ethnic identity formation, examining the themes of identity, ethnic identity, cultural heritage and identity. The findings reveal nuanced patterns, showcasing how community involvement impacts belonging across generations. Multiculturalism's influence on first-generation immigrants is highlighted, emphasizing its role in their decision-making process of which country to migrate to. The study uncovers layered ethnic identities among second- and third-generation migrants, influenced by pivotal experiences and opportunities. The dynamics of cultural heritage connections, predominantly through vocabulary, are analyzed, showcasing how they vary across generations. Third-generation migrants achieve comprehensive integration, contrasting with variations for the first- and second-generations. All in all, this paper concludes by advocating for a nuanced understanding of these complexities in discussions on ethnic identity, urging policymakers and scholars to recognize and address the unique challenges faced by different migrant generations in their pursuit of belonging and integration.Show less
Recent studies have attempted to explain the mixed results in the literature on environmental scarcity and intrastate conflict by exploring factors that might enable or mitigate the effects of...Show moreRecent studies have attempted to explain the mixed results in the literature on environmental scarcity and intrastate conflict by exploring factors that might enable or mitigate the effects of scarcity. However, the role of one of these factors, political corruption, remains underexplored. While scholars have made strides in uncovering whether corruption influences the scarcity-conflict relationship, they have failed to analyze its role in the causal mechanism connecting environmental scarcity to intrastate conflict. In this study, I address this gap in the literature by examining the role of political corruption in the causal mechanism linking environmental scarcity to intrastate conflict incidence. Using theory-testing process tracing in a case study of the 2012-2013 Kenyan Tana River District clashes, I demonstrate that political corruption in environmental governance can play a crucial role in the environmental scarcity-conflict mechanism by further diminishing natural resource availability. This increases confidence in the notion that political corruption might explain the mixed results in the literature. However, future research should test these findings in multiple different contexts to explore their generalizability and rule out possible alternative explanations.Show less
Climate disasters have significant implications for development and human security, especially in contexts that are already fragile and vulnerable such as conflict-affected areas. However, their...Show moreClimate disasters have significant implications for development and human security, especially in contexts that are already fragile and vulnerable such as conflict-affected areas. However, their influence on conflict intensity in ongoing armed civil conflicts has thus far been chronically understudied. In this thesis, I examine the potential causal mechanisms linking the occurrence of sudden-onset climate disasters and fluctuations in conflict intensity using Somalia as a single case study and theory-testing process tracing. This builds on existing research by considering the emotional and psychological impact of sudden-onset disasters in contexts of conflict and its subsequent effect on aggression and violence. The case-study analysis establishes, to a certain extent, a causal link between the occurrence of sudden-onset disasters and increases in conflict intensity. However, certain contextual factors, such as the strength of state infrastructure, are identified as key determinants for such a causal link to be established.Show less
Do United Nations (UN) Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) impact democratization in post-conflict states? Currently, this question is up for debate and this study builds on new relationships recently...Show moreDo United Nations (UN) Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) impact democratization in post-conflict states? Currently, this question is up for debate and this study builds on new relationships recently discovered in the literature. Blair, Di Salvatore, & Smidt (2023) argue that UN PKO tactics improve the likelihood of democratization. This relationship is tested through the examination of four mission tactics between the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) and the United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic (MINURCA). The cases were selected using a most similar design, indicating the cases are similar in all regards, except for their democratization outcomes; Mozambique democratized, while CAR did not. The analysis revealed that ONUMOZ and MINURCA were very similar in their mission tactics and thus mission tactics cannot be considered the sole explanation for democratization. Rather, the size and budget of the mission, involvement of civilian personnel, and recurrence of violence provided more fruitful avenues for explaining the difference in the democratization outcomes. This research contributes to the literature and yields recommendations for future research on UN PKOs and democratization. Additionally, this research provides insight into how the UN can successfully design and implement PKOs aimed at democratization.Show less
My research delves into the correlation between economic external interventions during conflicts and the level of corruption in post-conflict settings. External interventions happening during a...Show moreMy research delves into the correlation between economic external interventions during conflicts and the level of corruption in post-conflict settings. External interventions happening during a conflict are often overlooked as a source of corruption in the post-conflict period. Using a theoretical framework, I analyse the various factors that contribute to heightened corruption in these situations, including instability, misuse of foreign aid, and the absence of the rule of law. I hypothesize that external economic interventions in conflict-ridden countries may result in increased corruption in the post-conflict period. By investigating the connection between external financial aid and corruption, my study aims to shed new light on the dynamics of this previously overlooked relationship. Using quantitative analysis, I was able to conclude that economic foreign intervention during conflict onset increases the level of corruption in the aftermath. By better-understanding corruption in conflict-affected environments, my research emphasizes the importance of further investigation in this area, where corruption remains a persistent challenge. Corruption remains a persistent challenge in post-conflict settings, and policies to address this issue must consider the specific challenges posed by external economic interventions. By identifying the factors that contribute to corruption and the impact of external economic interventions, policymakers can develop more effective strategies for combating corruption and promoting sustainable development in conflict-affected regions.Show less
Voting is the cornerstone of democratic participation, allowing citizens to choose their leadership and shape government policy. However, since the 1990s, voter turnout has been declining, leading...Show moreVoting is the cornerstone of democratic participation, allowing citizens to choose their leadership and shape government policy. However, since the 1990s, voter turnout has been declining, leading to the question of why some people vote and others do not. While existing research has explored various factors influencing voter turnout, the impact of essential human needs has been underexplored. To address this gap, I investigate how food insecurity influences voter turnout, focusing on the mediating role of education. The theorised idea is that food insecurity creates economic stress and limits opportunities, which, in turn, negatively impacts education levels. Disparities in education can reduce political interest and knowledge, arguably leading to lower voter turnout. I employ theory testing process tracing to identify evidence for the constructed causal mechanism. Comparative case studies of Mali and Ghana, states with similar food security levels but varying education levels and voter turnout, will be conducted to explain this complex relationship. The results show the impact of food insecurity on education and voter turnout, revealing variations in school enrolment despite similar economic hardships. The research highlights the complex relationship between food security, education, and electoral participation, emphasising the need for a broader approach to socioeconomic factors to explain electoral participation.Show less
Though numerous studies have explored the plausible relationship between welfare regimes’ socioeconomic characteristics and citizens’ attitudes toward the welfare state (Svallfors, 1997; Arts &...Show moreThough numerous studies have explored the plausible relationship between welfare regimes’ socioeconomic characteristics and citizens’ attitudes toward the welfare state (Svallfors, 1997; Arts & Gelissen, 2001; Ervasti et al., 2012), there is limited research on attitudes toward the impact of the welfare state on the economy (Kumlin et al., 2021). This thesis, therefore, aims to contribute to this growing literature by exploring the conditioning (through a socialization mechanism) of welfare regimes’ socioeconomic characteristics into citizens’ normative attitudes. Moreover, the thesis aims to answer an interesting paradox depicted in preliminary observations of the data from the European Social Surveys (ESS): Citizens from European countries under a more generous welfare state perceived the welfare state as imposing less strain on the economy than citizens from European countries under a less generous welfare state. Facilitated by multilevel regressions, the results highlight that the welfare regime’s socioeconomic characteristics, measured as total social expenditure and mediated by citizens’ level of welfare support, condition citizens’ attitudes towards welfare economic costs. As such, the paradox is explained by identifying significantly higher citizen support of the welfare state in more generous countries, which allows for the normalization (through a socialization mechanism) of higher welfare costs into (relatively) lower perceived levels over time and into an accepted and supported status quo in society. Furthermore, significant differences in citizens’ perceptions of welfare economic costs among welfare regimes are identified, in line with welfare regime typology (Esping-Andersen, 1990; Ferrera, 1996). Lastly, further research is recommended to investigate plausible explanators for intergenerational differences concerning citizens’ perceptions of welfare economic costs.Show less
This thesis explores how the populist radical right seeks to control non-majoritarian liberal institutions through democratic means. Specifically, I test this theory within presidential systems,...Show moreThis thesis explores how the populist radical right seeks to control non-majoritarian liberal institutions through democratic means. Specifically, I test this theory within presidential systems, examining whether a radical right government leads to an increase in legislative proposals that target the disempowerment of constitutional courts. Therefore, my hypothesis is that the number of legislative bills aiming to overcome the autonomy of constitutional courts is higher under populist radical right governments than under non-radical ones. I employ a mixed-method approach, starting with four longitudinal quantitative research and then applying in-depth analyses conducted in Brazil, El Salvador, the Philippines, and the United States to compare instances of radical right governance with those of previous non-radical coalitions in each country. The results generally support the hypothesis, except for a notable deviant case observed in the United States.Show less
This paper aims to explore the research question: ‘To what extent do economic elites’ preferences affect UK policy in complying with international law of refugee rights?’. In doing so, the...Show moreThis paper aims to explore the research question: ‘To what extent do economic elites’ preferences affect UK policy in complying with international law of refugee rights?’. In doing so, the conceptual framework of neo-feudalism, focusing on economic elites, attempts to build on previous literature providing an alternative explanation for UK policy being non-compliant with international laws on refugee rights. The methodology engages process tracing to investigate the mechanism behind the phenomena. Data found posits that economic elites influence policy in the UK due to the landscape of neo-liberal, market-orientated governance. Furthermore, due to this type of governance, and culture of securitisation, the immigration industry profits immensely from harsher border and asylum regulation. Economic elites thus have motivations in wanting to perpetuate and further policies that are noncompliant with international law to increase profits. Furthermore, data suggests that there are potential political motivations towards a more anti-immigrant stance due to increasingly close ties between economic elites and political parties. Overall, this potentially leads to profound and far-reaching consequences for, global governance, human rights, and democracy. Not only do economic elites wielding disproportionate power in government undermine democracy, but they could also contribute to the erosion of international legal norms, governmental effectiveness, and credibility. The implied possible exacerbation of global inequality and injustice requires further exploration.Show less
This thesis explores the cultural and political biases inherent in generative AI models such as language and image-generation systems. It investigates how these biases manifest and their...Show moreThis thesis explores the cultural and political biases inherent in generative AI models such as language and image-generation systems. It investigates how these biases manifest and their implications for society, specifically focusing on models trained on vast internet datasets. The study uses Antonio Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony as an analytical framework to understand how generative AI, trained on socially produced information, reflects, and potentially reinforces societal values and ideologies. It provides empirical analysis through testing various generative AI platforms, examining their response to different prompts, and assessing their portrayal of culture, historical, and political subjects. The thesis aims to contribute to the broader discussion of generative AI’s role in shaping sociopolitical landscapes, offering insights into the extent and nature of biases present in these technologies, and their broader implications.Show less
