The norm against genocide is at least as old as the term itself (Lemkin 1944). Yet for all the rhetoric and resolutions, genocide persists, often with impunity, and even without condemnation. This...Show moreThe norm against genocide is at least as old as the term itself (Lemkin 1944). Yet for all the rhetoric and resolutions, genocide persists, often with impunity, and even without condemnation. This study focuses explicitly on why some genocides elicit more international condemnation than others. Specifically, it analyses the reactions of the Organisation for Islamic Cooperation [OIC] to the ongoing genocides of the Rohingya minority in Myanmar and the Uyghur minority in China. While the OIC has unconditionally condemned the former, it has been silent concerning the latter. Exploring this discrepancy, I qualifiedly endorse the realist/rational choice explanation: where the costs of condemnation are high, states and organisations are less inclined to act on the norm against genocide. However, as the case of Turkey and its support for the Uyghurs suggests, this is not a complete explanation. Thus, I contend that the identity-motivation of ethnic solidarity represents a stronger, more robust counterweight to the realist pressures of economics and security, thus increasing the likelihood of condemnation.Show less
This thesis seeks to investigate COVID-19 as an opportunity for change for neoliberal ideology in the European Union. Critical juncture theory frames the pandemic to determine whether and how it...Show moreThis thesis seeks to investigate COVID-19 as an opportunity for change for neoliberal ideology in the European Union. Critical juncture theory frames the pandemic to determine whether and how it amounts to a critical juncture for neoliberal political rationality investigated through discourse. A theoretical spill-over effect is laid out to assess whether COVID-19 unleashed the potential for change of a critical juncture on neoliberal discourse. Discourse analysis of EU social policy debates and documents before and after March 2020 is carried out to compare the two emerging discourses and observe whether a state of discursive flux can be identified. Discursive flux is developed through the indicators of “ambiguity” and “heightened level of contestation” to operationalise the potential for change of a critical juncture. The narrative comparison shows that flux can be identified in the post-March-2020 discourse. Indeed, whereas the dogmas found in the baseline reflect the conceptualisation of neoliberal political rationality, the post-March-2020 discourse is shown to question each of them, rejecting their dogmatic character. New narratives emerge which outline the possibility for change away from neoliberal political rationality. This is how this thesis concludes that COVID19 amounts to a critical juncture for neoliberal ideology in the EU.Show less
In May 2017, during an election rally in Munich, Germany’s chancellor Angela Merkel said something that would create international headlines: ‘The times in which we could completely depend on...Show moreIn May 2017, during an election rally in Munich, Germany’s chancellor Angela Merkel said something that would create international headlines: ‘The times in which we could completely depend on others are on the way out. […] We Europeans have to take our destiny into our own hands’. The developments that followed were unique for the EU. The EU’s limited military structures already in place were being expanded, became more autonomous, and new mechanisms were created to foster more defence cooperation among the member states. Closer defence cooperation within the EU is generally being ascribed to geopolitical pressures, so how do the narratives of the US and Russia influence EU member states’ sense of urgency to cooperate in the field of defence? I combine the constructivist idea of perception with the realist idea of necessity and look at threat perception and the perceived necessity to cooperate further in defence. By analysing the narratives of the German and French political elite regarding EU defence cooperation in 2018, I come to the conclusion that while the US narratives significantly increase EU member states’ sense of urgency to cooperate in the field of defence, Russia’s narratives do not have such a significant impact.Show less
The importance of memories and how they are shaped politically to influence identity perceptions is the focus of this paper. Specifically, how following mass trauma state actors select memories to...Show moreThe importance of memories and how they are shaped politically to influence identity perceptions is the focus of this paper. Specifically, how following mass trauma state actors select memories to nourish national narratives that build the post-conflict nation. Postgenocide Rwanda is explored and how centring the memory of genocide at the core of national identity redefines what it means to be Rwandan. Defining post-genocide Rwanda places Tutsi-victimisation and survivorhood at the forefront of Rwandan identity. This, disallows Hutu and Batwa public acknowledgment of their memories and marginalises the unacknowledged memories of Hutu and Batwa. Identity perceptions are reconstructed under post-genocide Rwanda explicitly as inclusive and promoting unity but this thesis shows that genocide identity perceptions remain in post-genocide Rwanda concealing ethnic discrimination under narratives of unity.Show less
