Though numerous studies have explored the plausible relationship between welfare regimes’ socioeconomic characteristics and citizens’ attitudes toward the welfare state (Svallfors, 1997; Arts &...Show moreThough numerous studies have explored the plausible relationship between welfare regimes’ socioeconomic characteristics and citizens’ attitudes toward the welfare state (Svallfors, 1997; Arts & Gelissen, 2001; Ervasti et al., 2012), there is limited research on attitudes toward the impact of the welfare state on the economy (Kumlin et al., 2021). This thesis, therefore, aims to contribute to this growing literature by exploring the conditioning (through a socialization mechanism) of welfare regimes’ socioeconomic characteristics into citizens’ normative attitudes. Moreover, the thesis aims to answer an interesting paradox depicted in preliminary observations of the data from the European Social Surveys (ESS): Citizens from European countries under a more generous welfare state perceived the welfare state as imposing less strain on the economy than citizens from European countries under a less generous welfare state. Facilitated by multilevel regressions, the results highlight that the welfare regime’s socioeconomic characteristics, measured as total social expenditure and mediated by citizens’ level of welfare support, condition citizens’ attitudes towards welfare economic costs. As such, the paradox is explained by identifying significantly higher citizen support of the welfare state in more generous countries, which allows for the normalization (through a socialization mechanism) of higher welfare costs into (relatively) lower perceived levels over time and into an accepted and supported status quo in society. Furthermore, significant differences in citizens’ perceptions of welfare economic costs among welfare regimes are identified, in line with welfare regime typology (Esping-Andersen, 1990; Ferrera, 1996). Lastly, further research is recommended to investigate plausible explanators for intergenerational differences concerning citizens’ perceptions of welfare economic costs.Show less
Literature on the effect of campaign spending by political parties mainly focuses on the US context. This thesis attempts to examine the effect of campaign spending by political parties on...Show moreLiterature on the effect of campaign spending by political parties mainly focuses on the US context. This thesis attempts to examine the effect of campaign spending by political parties on proportional systems in Western Europe, with a case study of the Netherlands. The Netherlands was chosen because of its proportional system and high electoral volatility and effective number of electoral parties compared to other Western European countries. This allows the effects of campaign spending to be more apparent relative to other Western European countries (Bekkouche et al., 2022; McAllister, 2002). This thesis focuses on campaign spending by Dutch political parties during national elections from 1998 to 2021. The results section indicates that higher campaign spending by political parties results in greater electoral gain compared to the polls two months before election day. Additionally, this thesis provides indications that campaign spending has a differentiated effect depending on the size of the party. However, it is important to interpret these findings with caution due to data collection limitations.Show less
This study is an effort to extrapolate the patterns that exist in parliamentary voting in the Dutch Parliament. It investigates what party- and vote characteristics influence the divisions between...Show moreThis study is an effort to extrapolate the patterns that exist in parliamentary voting in the Dutch Parliament. It investigates what party- and vote characteristics influence the divisions between coalition and opposition and between left and right that exist in parliamentary voting. Using a triadic model on all recorded votes in the 2017-2021 parliamentary term, this study finds that the proposing actor, proposal type, and proposal subject are relevant predictors of the division that will come about in a parliamentary vote. Specifically, this study provides evidence for three points. Firstly, amendments, bills, and budgets are found to have a stronger left-right division than motions, which have a more dominant coalition-opposition split. Secondly, proposals from opposition parties are found to have a stronger coalition- opposition division than proposals from the government or coalition. Thirdly, contrary to theoretical expectations, this study only finds very limited effect of topical ideological distance on votes pertaining to said topic. The effect is only significant for proposals on economics and environment. This study contributes to the literature by using an extensive dataset and an innovative triadic method. In doing so, this study has attempted to further understanding of parliamentary behaviour based on coalition- and opposition membership and ideology in the Dutch Parliament.Show less
Recent advisory reports on the Dutch parliamentary system, public scrutiny, and parliamentary upheaval following transgressive behaviour by the old speaker of parliament have drawn attention to the...Show moreRecent advisory reports on the Dutch parliamentary system, public scrutiny, and parliamentary upheaval following transgressive behaviour by the old speaker of parliament have drawn attention to the functioning of parliamentary administrations. The support staff of parliaments is a scarcely covered topic in political science. In a new body of literature, this article is only the second to examine parliamentary staff size quantitatively. It fundamentally extends the scope of previous research from western democracies to a much broader population of parliaments. Drawing on both a functionalist and an institutionalist framework, it hypothesises that population size, population non-linearity, clientelism, parliamentary competition, an interaction between clientelism and parliamentary competition, parliamentary culture, and institutional isomorphism influence the number of institutional and committee staff in parliaments. This research uses house-level data from 161 countries over ten years and employs multilevel analysis to test these hypotheses. It finds strong support that population size, population size non-linearity, and institutional isomorphism influence staff size, while it finds mixed support for parliamentary competition as a predictor of staff size. There was no support for parliamentary culture, clientelism, and the clientelism-competition interaction hypotheses. Additionally, previously thought insignificant predictors of staff size, such as assembly size and parliamentary powers, were, in fact, significant. This article is the first to look at parliamentary administrations, which are vital to the functioning of primary democratic institutions, from a global perspective. Due to the mixed results, it calls for more extensive research on different types of staff, further disentangling of the mechanisms posited, and further data collection to progress understanding of this veiled political and administrative institution.Show less
Utilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the...Show moreUtilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the theoretical framework and literature, two hypotheses based on party-political congruence and interest compatibility are formulated. The analysis of party-political congruence and executive overlap as determinant shows that there are big differences in the level of congruence between provincial regions of The Netherlands. However, the analysis likewise shows that party-political congruence solely attributes little to the extend of regional cooperation in EU-affairs. This resulted in the determinant of party-political congruence being refuted. However, when we reformulate and add the dimensions of party ideology, executive (party) network and coalition agreements to the equation, political congruence increases in validity as supporting factor for regional cooperation. The analysis of interest compatibility shows that that there are significant differences in the degree of interest compatibility between different provinces within different regions in The Netherlands. This variation results in significant different outcomes when it come to regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Hence, interest compatibility is accepted as determinant factor. When further scrutinizing, it appears that social, economic and geographical provincial characteristics are important conditions for interest compatibility. In conclusion to the thesis' main question, it’s the compatibility of provincial interests and proactive executives which are the drivers behind regional cooperation. When provinces are characteristically alike, have well-connected executives, pro-European parties in the regional assemblies and European funds maintain well-defined criteria, regional cooperation can be a logical phenomenon in The Netherlands.Show less
Electronic participation initiatives at the national and the EU-level have been consistently increasing in number and scope in the last two decades. Despite this trend, adoption of e-participation...Show moreElectronic participation initiatives at the national and the EU-level have been consistently increasing in number and scope in the last two decades. Despite this trend, adoption of e-participation tools by citizens remains low. By conducting an analysis of e-petitions to the European Parliament in the period from 2013 – 2019, this study examines whether more trust towards the EU leads to more EU-level e-participation. Although previous studies have shown a positive relationship between trust and e-participation at the local and national levels, this is the first study to examine whether the same relationship exists at the EU-level. The results from a multiple linear regression across 27 member states suggest that more trust towards the EU does not lead to more e-participation. This finding is a first step in uncovering the dynamics between trust and e-participation in the EU, which could have important policy implications for the design and deployment of e-participation initiatives in the future.Show less
This thesis studies an imposed peace agreement's effect on a state's voter turn-out and its relationship with low voter turn-out. The study focuses on the case of Bosnia and Hercegovina (BiH),...Show moreThis thesis studies an imposed peace agreement's effect on a state's voter turn-out and its relationship with low voter turn-out. The study focuses on the case of Bosnia and Hercegovina (BiH), which has had a mandated peace agreement since December of 1995: the Dayton Peace Agreement. My key expectation for the research is that BiH citizens do not perceive their vote as a factor that could implement change in the electoral process and eventually incorporate their political changes through politicians and their parties. Furthermore, the consociational aspect of the state, corruption and violence may lower voter turn-out. The analysis has been executed through in-depth interviews with 12 citizens in BiH, deriving from different ethnic backgrounds and equally divided by gender, age, and voters and non-voters. The analysis has strongly brought forward a relationship between corruption and low voter turn-out. The results also show that one of the causes of citizens not heading to the ballot box is that their vote will not imply significant change. This is also because of the consociational nature within the state that uses peacebuilding and power-sharing. The presence of nationalist parties and the DPA's administration also raised issues with respondents through the analysis.Show less
