Though numerous studies have explored the plausible relationship between welfare regimes’ socioeconomic characteristics and citizens’ attitudes toward the welfare state (Svallfors, 1997; Arts &...Show moreThough numerous studies have explored the plausible relationship between welfare regimes’ socioeconomic characteristics and citizens’ attitudes toward the welfare state (Svallfors, 1997; Arts & Gelissen, 2001; Ervasti et al., 2012), there is limited research on attitudes toward the impact of the welfare state on the economy (Kumlin et al., 2021). This thesis, therefore, aims to contribute to this growing literature by exploring the conditioning (through a socialization mechanism) of welfare regimes’ socioeconomic characteristics into citizens’ normative attitudes. Moreover, the thesis aims to answer an interesting paradox depicted in preliminary observations of the data from the European Social Surveys (ESS): Citizens from European countries under a more generous welfare state perceived the welfare state as imposing less strain on the economy than citizens from European countries under a less generous welfare state. Facilitated by multilevel regressions, the results highlight that the welfare regime’s socioeconomic characteristics, measured as total social expenditure and mediated by citizens’ level of welfare support, condition citizens’ attitudes towards welfare economic costs. As such, the paradox is explained by identifying significantly higher citizen support of the welfare state in more generous countries, which allows for the normalization (through a socialization mechanism) of higher welfare costs into (relatively) lower perceived levels over time and into an accepted and supported status quo in society. Furthermore, significant differences in citizens’ perceptions of welfare economic costs among welfare regimes are identified, in line with welfare regime typology (Esping-Andersen, 1990; Ferrera, 1996). Lastly, further research is recommended to investigate plausible explanators for intergenerational differences concerning citizens’ perceptions of welfare economic costs.Show less
Dit onderzoek probeert de mate van presidentialisme in Nederland meetbaar te maken. Er worden hiervoor negen variabelen onder de loep genomen die te maken hebben met het gebruik van parlementaire...Show moreDit onderzoek probeert de mate van presidentialisme in Nederland meetbaar te maken. Er worden hiervoor negen variabelen onder de loep genomen die te maken hebben met het gebruik van parlementaire middelen, de electorale context, de media-aandacht, de context van de ervaring in de regering en de middelen van het ministerie van Algemene Zaken. De uitkomsten van de principale-componentenanalyse tonen aan dat twee componenten inzichten in dit onderwerp kunnen geven. In plaats van presidentialisme als eendimensionaal beschouwen, zoals lange tijd gangbaar was in de literatuur, toont dit onderzoek aan dat het een tweedimensionaal concept is. De twee componenten, namelijk politieke personalisatie en de ondersteuning van de minister-president, hangen sterk samen met de onderzochte variabelen en kunnen dus sterk worden verklaard hieruit. De trend van deze twee componenten wijst op een toename van presidentialisme in Nederland in de periode van 1946 tot en met 2021. Dit onderzoek toont kwantitatief aan dat de staatsrechtelijke positie van de Nederlandse minister-president als primus inter pares is ingehaald door de praktische realiteit en dat er nu sprake is van een status als primus super pares.Show less
Utilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the...Show moreUtilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the theoretical framework and literature, two hypotheses based on party-political congruence and interest compatibility are formulated. The analysis of party-political congruence and executive overlap as determinant shows that there are big differences in the level of congruence between provincial regions of The Netherlands. However, the analysis likewise shows that party-political congruence solely attributes little to the extend of regional cooperation in EU-affairs. This resulted in the determinant of party-political congruence being refuted. However, when we reformulate and add the dimensions of party ideology, executive (party) network and coalition agreements to the equation, political congruence increases in validity as supporting factor for regional cooperation. The analysis of interest compatibility shows that that there are significant differences in the degree of interest compatibility between different provinces within different regions in The Netherlands. This variation results in significant different outcomes when it come to regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Hence, interest compatibility is accepted as determinant factor. When further scrutinizing, it appears that social, economic and geographical provincial characteristics are important conditions for interest compatibility. In conclusion to the thesis' main question, it’s the compatibility of provincial interests and proactive executives which are the drivers behind regional cooperation. When provinces are characteristically alike, have well-connected executives, pro-European parties in the regional assemblies and European funds maintain well-defined criteria, regional cooperation can be a logical phenomenon in The Netherlands.Show less
