This thesis seeks to understand how the Belarusian democratic opposition influences the foreign policy of the European Union regarding Belarus by applying the boomerang pattern from Keck and...Show moreThis thesis seeks to understand how the Belarusian democratic opposition influences the foreign policy of the European Union regarding Belarus by applying the boomerang pattern from Keck and Sikkink (1998) on the case. The main argument of the study is that the boomerang pattern has to be complemented with the theory of resource exchange to understand the mechanism behind the pattern. Resource exchange holds that influence over policy can be exchanged for a valuable resource. The mechanism is expected to work because transnational advocacy networks from a country neighbouring the EU have security as a valuable resource as stability at their home state enhances both domestic and European security. The research shows that the boomerang pattern is present between the Belarusian democratic opposition and the EU. Nonetheless, the thrown and caught boomerang are not similar because the resource of security is incorporated in the caught European boomerang and not in the thrown Belarusian boomerang. Therefore, the success of the boomerang pattern depends on the process and not on the resource presented by the transnational advocacy network to the international ally. In other words, the overlap between the presented and perceived resource determines the success of the boomerang pattern.Show less
This thesis considers environmental policy representation in a comparative study of 21 European countries to find what explains that hardly any of them have enacted policies commensurate with the...Show moreThis thesis considers environmental policy representation in a comparative study of 21 European countries to find what explains that hardly any of them have enacted policies commensurate with the public consensus on the need to mitigate climate change. Based on an original dataset of public opinion on ten potential environmental policy changes between 2008 and 2020, the main results are that amidst general policy responsiveness, both genders and age groups are equally well represented whereas high-educated citizens experience a slight representational bias. This demonstrates that climate policy adoption is not hampered by the underrepresentation of pro-environmental interests. The analyses in the second part reject descriptive representation as a plausible explanation for unequal policy responsiveness. Doing so, this thesis emphasizes the importance of going beyond numbers to explore mechanisms that facilitate the representation of climate preferences held by diverse groups in society.Show less
Recent reports of a large number of polling place closures in the Southern United States after the Supreme Court’s Shelby County v. Holder (2013) decision sparks interest in the factors surrounding...Show moreRecent reports of a large number of polling place closures in the Southern United States after the Supreme Court’s Shelby County v. Holder (2013) decision sparks interest in the factors surrounding polling place closures and the consequences of these closures. Because little is known about the subject, this paper aims to give more clarity on these factors and consequences. It hypothesizes (1) that polling place closures have a negative effect on voter turnout; (2) that counties with a larger minority population experience more polling place closures than counties with a smaller minority population, (2a) especially in states where the Republican party has unified control over state government; and (3) that the negative effect of polling place closures on voter turnout is larger in counties with a larger minority population. Using county-level data from the 2008, 2012, and 2016 presidential elections, this paper finds no support for H1, showing that polling place closures do not have a significant effect on voter turnout. While polling place closures lead to less physical turnout, they are associated with increases in absentee turnout. It finds mixed results for H2, H2a, and H3. This paper is the first of its kind in testing these relationships in a US-wide large-N observational study. Because of the inconclusive nature of its results and the general lack of academic research into the topic, this paper advocates for more research into polling place closures and their connection to race, ethnicity, and voter turnout.Show less
Studies over parlementaire agenda setting analyseren veelal welke factoren ervoor zorgen dat partijen succesvol hun onderwerpen op de parlementaire agenda krijgen. Het feit dat deze onderwerpen...Show moreStudies over parlementaire agenda setting analyseren veelal welke factoren ervoor zorgen dat partijen succesvol hun onderwerpen op de parlementaire agenda krijgen. Het feit dat deze onderwerpen soms door dezelfde partijen weer van de parlementaire agenda worden geschrapt, wordt daarbij vaak genegeerd. Deze studie analyseert 319 succesvol aangevraagde dertigledendebatten uit de Tweede Kamer om te achterhalen welke factoren een rol spelen het schrappen van zaken van de parlementaire agenda. Uit een nested analysis opgebouwd uit logistische regressies en een content analysis blijkt dat probleemeigenaarschap geen belangrijke factor is bij het intrekken van dertigledendebatten. De mate waarin een partij een populistische oppositiestijl hanteert, hangt daarentegen sterk samen met het intrekken van dertigledendebatten. Populistische partijen trekken minder dertigledendebatten in, omdat dertigledendebatten met name geschikt zijn om democratische controle uit te voeren. Omdat populistische partijen vooral gericht zijn op democratische controle, zijn zij daarom minder geneigd om een dertigledendebat in te trekken.Show less
This thesis contributes to existing theories on democratization by examining the effect of Western influence on democratization in post-Soviet countries from 1991 until 2019. Western influence is...Show moreThis thesis contributes to existing theories on democratization by examining the effect of Western influence on democratization in post-Soviet countries from 1991 until 2019. Western influence is divided in two dimensions: leverage as governments’ vulnerability to external pressure and linkage as the density of ties to the West. It is expected that leverage alone does not enhance democratization, but linkage does, and that a combination of high linkage and leverage has the strongest effect on democratization. Surprisingly, a factor analysis on the dimensions of linkage and leverage reveals that leverage is not a coherent concept as was expected beforehand. Moreover, after performing multiple OLS regressions, it is concluded that linkage has a strong effect on democratization, and some dimensions of leverage positively influence democratization. Finally, it cannot be concluded that an interaction effect exists whereby leverage enhances the effect of linkage on democratization. This is due to the lack of coherence between the leverage dimensions and due to conflicting results of the performed tests.Show less
The study of the successful negotiation of Global Public Goods (GPGs) can enlighten scholars across political economy, political science, public administration as well as international relations....Show moreThe study of the successful negotiation of Global Public Goods (GPGs) can enlighten scholars across political economy, political science, public administration as well as international relations. The 20 yearlong Mercosur-EU trade negotiations which culminated in an agreement between the South American and European trade blocs in 2019 provides an example of a successful GPG negotiation against the unique backdrop of an agreement between two transnational organisations. Whilst there is no set view on what the factor that makes GPG negotiations successful, a focus on the fairness and justice consideration is increasingly recognised. The thesis takes this fairness and justice consideration as its guiding framework in assessing the success of the Mercosur-EU GPG negotiations. Given the two stages of the negotiation, the first from 2000-2004 which ended unsuccessfully, and the second 2010-2019 which ended successfully, this thesis compares both stages through a process tracing exploring whether fairness and justice play a larger role in the second stage and evaluating its contribution to the successful signing of the agreement. Developing its own framework based around four key concepts: Fair Treatment, Fair Play, Extending the Notion of Reciprocity and Going Beyond Narrow Self-Interest, the two stages are compared and evaluated. Whilst the main focus centres on fairness and justice, other confounding factors such as the leadership shown from certain states in driving forward the negotiations is also acknowledged.Show less
This thesis aims to assess the impact of big data on burden-sharing in the European Union in the field of migration governance. Migration governance in the European Union is widely perceived as a...Show moreThis thesis aims to assess the impact of big data on burden-sharing in the European Union in the field of migration governance. Migration governance in the European Union is widely perceived as a collective action problem, as no effective burden-sharing has been established since the migration crisis of 2015. The current field of force is interpreted as a suasion game, where the strategy of non-affected states forces affected states to cooperate in burden-sharing, resulting in a de jure status quo. Having conducted interviews with European decision-makers as well as migration and big data experts, this thesis finds that big data can provide decision-makers with situational awareness, resulting in better organisational preparedness as well as enhanced matching and integration policies. However, political will is found to be an essential trigger for changing the suasion game, as big data on itself invokes no incentives for this political will. Consequently, decision-makers use big data so that it fits their strategy. When issue-linkage is established the suasion game can be changed. Big data however is then used instrumentally, potentially allowing for more voluntary reception of migrants. Nevertheless, the overall impact of big data is limited on the suasion game and Member States will not change their strategies. This thesis contributes to the recent academic debate on the use of big data in migration governance as well as to the academic debate on evidence-based decision-making.Show less
