Politieke jongerenorganisaties (PJO's) maken sinds de jaren '40 onderdeel uit van het Nederlandse partijleven. Wat zijn politieke jongerenorganisaties eigenlijk, en hebben ze invloed? Aan de hand...Show morePolitieke jongerenorganisaties (PJO's) maken sinds de jaren '40 onderdeel uit van het Nederlandse partijleven. Wat zijn politieke jongerenorganisaties eigenlijk, en hebben ze invloed? Aan de hand van de geschiedenis van de PJO's, het aantal doorgestroomde landelijke politici en de congresactiviteiten van de jongeren, heb ik geprobeerd een indicatie van hun invloed te geven. Er lijkt een correlatie te zijn tussen partijstructuur en invloed van jongeren.Show less
Wat zijn de belangrijkste predictoren van de stemintentie bij Tweede Kamerverkiezingen van Hindoestaanse jongeren in Nederland? Om een antwoord op deze vraag te vinden heb ik een kwantitatief...Show moreWat zijn de belangrijkste predictoren van de stemintentie bij Tweede Kamerverkiezingen van Hindoestaanse jongeren in Nederland? Om een antwoord op deze vraag te vinden heb ik een kwantitatief onderzoek uitgevoerd onder Hindoestaanse jongeren in de leeftijd van 14-19 jaar die in Nederland wonen. Niet-Hindoestaanse jongeren in Nederland zijn in het onderzoek betrokken als vergelijkingsgroep. Het wetenschappelijk kader is een combinatie van de volgende drie theorieën: rational choice theory, resource availability theory en political socialization theory. De vragenlijst is via een websurvey (in Qualtrics) of op papier ingevuld. De steekproef omvatte 177 Hindoestaanse en 178 niet-Hindoestaanse respondenten die de vragenlijst volledig hebben ingevuld. Meer Hindoestaanse dan niet-Hindoestaanse jongeren hebben de intentie tot stemmen (76% respectievelijk 71%). Minder Hindoestaanse dan niet-Hindoestaanse jongeren geven aan waarschijnlijk niet of zeker niet te gaan stemmen (24% respectievelijk 29%). Subjectieve politieke kennis blijkt de belangrijkste predictor voor de stemintentie van de Hindoestaanse respondenten te zijn. De variantie in stemintentie van deze groep kon voor 24% worden ‘verklaard’. Voor de niet-Hindoestaanse respondenten geldt dat gepercipieerde stemintentie van de omgeving de belangrijkste predictor van stemintentie is. Maar voor deze groep respondenten zijn ook subjectieve politieke kennis en politieke interesse mede bepalend voor stemintentie. De verklaarde variantie in stemintentie van deze groep respondenten is 52%. Mijn onderzoeksresultaten bieden nieuwe inzichten in de variabelen met betrekking tot stemintentie van Hindoestanen die in Nederland wonen en waarnaar tot nu toe weinig onderzoek is verricht. De maatschappelijke relevantie is dat de Hindoestaanse gemeenschap via dit onderzoek inzicht krijgt om instrumenten te ontwikkelen om de stemintentie van Hindoestaanse jongeren te vergroten.Show less
Newspapers in Greece have long been considered as mouthpieces for the parties. This connection between parties and press is typically described as "parallelism". Even though conventional wisdom...Show moreNewspapers in Greece have long been considered as mouthpieces for the parties. This connection between parties and press is typically described as "parallelism". Even though conventional wisdom agrees on the party preferences of newspapers, such claims have not been empirically tested. Based on a content analysis of newspaper front pages during two election campaigns, this study tests the validity of those claims, and assesses their nature. The findings support popular perceptions of newspaper party preferences. They also show that newspaper support is more likely to rely on negativity, by means of attacking the opponent party, rather than praising the affiliated party. This tendency towards negativity is higher when the newspaper's preferred party is the challenger during that campaign. Finally it is shown that, contrary to research on campaign ads, negative coverage in Greece is not more likely to address policy issues than positive coverage. Thus, it has poor contribution to the information environment available to voters. The findings cover a void in the literature and offer insight into the stance of partisan press during election campaigns. They can be tested in countries with similar, but also different, levels of parallelism in an effort to search for common patterns.Show less
Abstract: Existing literature on the impact of economic changes on governmental trust presents mixed and contradicting findings. These contradicting outcomes of objective economic performance on...Show moreAbstract: Existing literature on the impact of economic changes on governmental trust presents mixed and contradicting findings. These contradicting outcomes of objective economic performance on trust can be partially explained by an asymmetrical bias. When economy is bad, trust will be affected, if economy is good then trust will not be affected. The credit and sovereign debt crisis changed the economic situation in the eurozone countries. In order to examine these contradicting claims, this research investigated the changes in governmental trust during the sovereign debt crisis. Which factors can be related to governmental trust is examined at aggregated and individual level. Trust in EU and national government is examined in order to see if they are influenced by the same factors. During the sovereign debt crisis trust levels in the eurozone dropped considerably. At aggregated country level, governmental trust is related to unemployment before and during the crisis. A general trend of decline in governmental trust was not found. Positive and negative trend lines were found for different countries. Trust in national government and EU government is strong and positively correlated to each other, yet the direction of causality was not examined. At individual level trust can be best explained by crisis performance and by objective and subjective economic indicators. Finally, problem solving capacity, economic uncertainty, social status and life satisfaction are of significant, but weak influence on trust in national and EU government.Show less
My study focused on knowledge about the EU. It was my aim to explain the variance in this knowledge among Europeans and to answer the question: What explains the variance in the knowledge about...Show moreMy study focused on knowledge about the EU. It was my aim to explain the variance in this knowledge among Europeans and to answer the question: What explains the variance in the knowledge about European Union among European citizens?Show less
In this thesis the debate that led to the Dutch slavery momument is shown. This debate is compared with the English debate and other cases of historical injustice.
De Nederlandse regering besloot in 2011 twee keer tot inzet van de krijgsmacht in internationale missies in Afghanistan (Kunduz) en Libië. Opmerkelijk is het beperkte mandaat bij beide missies....Show moreDe Nederlandse regering besloot in 2011 twee keer tot inzet van de krijgsmacht in internationale missies in Afghanistan (Kunduz) en Libië. Opmerkelijk is het beperkte mandaat bij beide missies. Analyse van de politieke besluitvorming leidt tot de conclusie dat dit past in het beeld van domesticization van het buitenlandbeleid en lange termijn trends in de opstelling van Nederland in internationaal perpectief.Show less
In spite of the skeptical forecasts in the early 1990s when Brazil’s transition to democracy process was starting, this presidential regime is now considered stable. Therefore, the analyses in...Show moreIn spite of the skeptical forecasts in the early 1990s when Brazil’s transition to democracy process was starting, this presidential regime is now considered stable. Therefore, the analyses in political sciences today seek rather to explain how this process has evolved than to recommend profound changes in the system’s direction. This work is based on one of such theories, called the “Executive toolbox”. Its proponents contend that the president has tools that enable him or her to bring stability to the system through a balanced use of a set of tools in the Executive-Legislative relations. One of such tools is the budgetary prerogatives of the president - which, in the Brazilian case, include the liquidation of individual amendments of MPs. This thesis will study pork barrel politics in Brazil in comparative perspective and in relation to other tools in the president’s kit, especially with coalition goods. An existing debate in Brazilian literature about pork is taken as starting point and qualitative research methods are used including media analysis and personal interviews with Brazilian MPsShow less
The purpose of this thesis is to explore and test whether framing climate change as a security issue impacts the way non-state actors can participate in national and global climate change...Show moreThe purpose of this thesis is to explore and test whether framing climate change as a security issue impacts the way non-state actors can participate in national and global climate change policymaking. While it has been argued, in general terms, that securitizing an issue creates a state-centric security response, it has yet been untested to what extent this impacts environmental NGOs and civil society in climate change policymaking. After an analysis of the discourse on climate change over the past decade, I posit that since 2007 we have seen and will continue to see an increase of environmental NGOs indirectly excluded from climate change decision-making processes by states. This thesis, therefore, contends that climate change should be de-securitized and approached with a multidimensional climate change framework, incorporating a green theoretical standpoint. Drawing from an extensive questionnaire and two case-studies, I evaluate the role of non-state actors in climate change policymaking. The results suggest that the more climate change is framed as a security issue, the more non-state actors are indirectly excluded from climate change policymaking.Show less
Using the Schwartz’ value module of the European Social Survey, the development of value priority within the Netherlands was explored between 2002 and 2010, also the relation between value priority...Show moreUsing the Schwartz’ value module of the European Social Survey, the development of value priority within the Netherlands was explored between 2002 and 2010, also the relation between value priority and the attitude towards immigration was tested. The value priority within Dutch society proved to be fairly stable over time and underlined the assumptions of the current theory on human values. Unexpected was a decline in priority for values promoting Conservation and am increase in priority for values promoted by Openness to Change from 2002 on. This is attributed to events in 2001 and 2002, both in the Netherlands and abroad, which probably temporarily increased the importance of Conservation values. Also the development for the value priority of specific antecedents of individual value priority was assessed. In nearly all cases the development of the value priority followed the pattern of the general sample. The relation between the attitude on immigration and value priority proved to be constant in all rounds of the ESS, but appears to be different from earlier studies. The conflict line between values that support or oppose immigration is situated in the middle of the circular value model, dividing the Conservation higher order value type plus power and benevolence and the Openness to Change higher order value type plus achievement and universalism.Show less
This thesis argues that previous literature dealing with water scarcity conflicts and politics inside river basins misses out on important factors determining water scarcity. Hence, a political...Show moreThis thesis argues that previous literature dealing with water scarcity conflicts and politics inside river basins misses out on important factors determining water scarcity. Hence, a political geography and political ecology perspective is utilized in order to link international relations, political economy and geography. With this combination, concepts like food security, land-lease deals and their link with water scarcity are examined in order to illustrate that water scarcity is much more than water equity principles often found in transboundary river interaction between specific states. This thesis specifically focuses on the Nile Basin, most notably Egypt and Ethiopia in particular, and argues that many players from all over the world through investments and discursive practices interfere with Nile water allocation indirectly and obscurely. Hence, just hammering out a legal framework with Nile Basin riparians in not enough and should looked for in economic and discursive practices surrounding water scarcity.Show less
Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) is like soccer: there are supporters and opponents. Supporters credit BMD with providing full security against rogue states. Opponents fear a renewed arms race with...Show moreBallistic Missile Defense (BMD) is like soccer: there are supporters and opponents. Supporters credit BMD with providing full security against rogue states. Opponents fear a renewed arms race with Russia or China. There is another analogy: playing in the major league is awarding. Land-based and seabased missile defense each are attractive options, offering pros and cons to foreign policy makers, while military planners have to make tough decisions on how to allocate scarce defense resources in the face of austerity. A small or medium-sized state like the Netherlands has only a few policy options: emulate the policy of the hegemon, strive for national or European innovative solutions or (continue to) do nothing at all. Neoclassical realism holds that the state is not a black box in the anarchy of international relations, but that the foreign policy elite makes resource allocation decisions on the basis of its own perception of the external vulnerability of the state. State institutions, domestic influence groups and party politics in turn influence both threat perception and resource allocation. Resource allocation should ideally support the best foreign policy option to counter the perceived threat. Of course, external state actors, industrial and transnational organizations influence the foreign policy elite as well. Against this backdrop, the author uses the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism to research and describe the influence that domestic influence groups can exert on policy decisions regarding the Netherlands’ BMD capabilities. After a brief introduction into neoclassical realism, the external vulnerability is described in terms of the existing ballistic missile threat posed by Iran. The threat perception is approached form the eye of the beholder: regional actors, NATO as our primary security alliance and of course domestic actors. Then the primary BMD resources available to the Netherlands are described: operational capabilities, technological innovation and defense industrial base. External factors and domestic interest groups that affect resource allocation decisions, such as the international defense industry and national civic societal actors, are analyzed. The dominant foreign policy mantra that the Netherlands’ international reputation is at stake after incessant defense budget cuts and relinquishing our NATO commitments is also taken into account as a factor of influence. Finally, four adaptive strategies are researched as BMD policy options: blindly emulate US policy (with high investment costs), join European innovation policies (with high political and investment costs), do nothing (which eventually leads to a free rider status) or a mixed innovative emulation strategy (which attains foreign policy objectives appropriate for a small or medium power while at the same time promoting Dutch industrial interests). Research indicates that very few domestic actors actually oppose the Dutch role in BMD. The author concludes that the Netherlands cannot afford to lose its leading position in European BMD capabilities. Our reputation is firmly based on our Patriot capability, and for a long time we have punched above our weight. Our credibility is at risk – and maritime BMD is one of the very few niche capabilities that we hold as bargaining chip to promote our interests in international relations. The stakes are high – but so are the potential rewards.Show less
