This research aims to examine and elaborate on possible changes in the degrees of respect for human rights in Libya and Tunisia before and after the events that took place in 2011, which are known...Show moreThis research aims to examine and elaborate on possible changes in the degrees of respect for human rights in Libya and Tunisia before and after the events that took place in 2011, which are known as the Arab Spring uprisings. By examining the spiral model by Risse and Sikkink (1999) this research is set up to trace a process of change in the degree of respect for human rights towards compliance to human rights norms in both countries. Results show in the case of Libya that the mobilization of both national as well as international actors evidently contributed to regime change during the Arab Spring and improved human rights conditions to a certain extent. Comparable transnational mobilization took place in Tunisia, where domestic opposition was likewise blocked. Tunisia’s post-Arab Spring period marks a time of considerable improvements in human rights conditions and the general respect for human rights. Although human rights violations are still occurring in both countries, the evaluation of past research and the tracing of current transnational involvement with respect to human rights conditions can contribute to the scientific and public understanding of the importance of human rights advocacy. In the long run, the mobilization and support of transnational human rights organizations continues to contribute to future compliance to human rights norms, in these countries and around the globe.Show less
In this thesis the ways in which power is shaped in the Arctic among the ‘Arctic five’ states are analyzed. It is argued that the Arctic is a multipolar region, in which Russia is the most dominant...Show moreIn this thesis the ways in which power is shaped in the Arctic among the ‘Arctic five’ states are analyzed. It is argued that the Arctic is a multipolar region, in which Russia is the most dominant and other actors adopt strategies towards Russia such as soft balancing, bandwagoning, and appeasement. The thesis shows that traditional conceptions of power do not apply unequivocally to the Arctic region, because it is hard to control effectively due to its unique geographical composition. Power in the Arctic is based on the recognition of sovereign rights over an area, which will give states economic opportunities (control over waterways and resources) in the future due to melting ice. The ideal of permanence underlying modern sovereignty is absent in the changing Arctic, and sovereign rights for exploitation of an area do not give states actual sovereignty. Sovereignty disputes are therefore often unclear and create interesting power dynamics. They are resolved through institutional procedures based on international law and political geography, yet states have opportunities for negotiation and can adopt their own viewpoints on sovereignty based on what suits the national interest. Thus the Arctic provides a unique example of ‘structural power’ and the interaction between structure and agency. Due to the ever-changing nature of the Arctic, states’ interests are more future-oriented than elsewhere. The thesis concludes that while security and sovereignty have become more important in the Arctic in recent years, there is no ‘security dilemma’ because capacity building does not directly threaten other states, and military conflict does not lead to gains and is highly unlikely. Security issues are rather more specific and less concerned with warfare, and more with the environment and emergencies. The difficulty of operating in the Arctic environment compels states to cooperate through international institutions, but the ‘Arctic five’ do this to further their national interests. The interdependence of the Arctic with the system-level is traced, and it is found that states are limited in their options in the Arctic due to mutual commitments on a global scale and possible precedent effects of agreements in the Arctic.Show less
External support to security sector reform (SSR) has emerged as a crucial instrument in international peacebuilding and state-building operations and is widely considered as the sine qua non of...Show moreExternal support to security sector reform (SSR) has emerged as a crucial instrument in international peacebuilding and state-building operations and is widely considered as the sine qua non of contemporary post-conflict reconstruction efforts in post-conflict or fragile states. Although SSR is considered as a core instrument of state-building and as a precondition for achieving peace and development, its record of achievement is quite limited. This thesis seeks to explain how the conventional SSR focus on state security undermines post-conflict transition and fails to enable an environment for sustainable peace and development. Based on the transition processes in Afghanistan and Timor Leste, this thesis argues that a state-centric approach to SSR is likely to be less effective in hybrid states and can even destabilise state recovery by protecting state institutions that are not embedded within society.Show less
Making a decision on participation in crisis-management operations is part of foreign policy of a country. It is a government decision and in the Netherlands there has been an art.100procedure...Show moreMaking a decision on participation in crisis-management operations is part of foreign policy of a country. It is a government decision and in the Netherlands there has been an art.100procedure developed. With the final evaluation of the operation the art.100procedure is completed. Central to the study is if the political result, which is the outcome of the interaction between the government and parliament during the parliamentary debate on the art.100letter, is part of the final evaluation of the crisis-management operation. On the basis of case studies, document analysis and interviews, the study was conducted within a specific framework of the Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) as developed by Carlsnaes, namely the intentional and the structural dimension. The cases are three crisis-management operations, namely EUFOR Chad, SFIR/Iraq, ISAF/Uruzgan. To determine the political result the relevant parliamentary publications were analysed for each case, with an analysis scheme and within the framework of the FPA. This scheme has criteria that are derived from three main categories, namely international relations theories, the assessment framework of 2001, and subjects from the self-reflection of the Lower House. The empirical analysis (the case studies) surprisingly shows that the political result is almost not visible in the final evaluation.Show less
This thesis attempts to investigate the extent to which the debate about the indivisibility principle has translated into in tandem state respect for Civil and Political rights and Social and...Show moreThis thesis attempts to investigate the extent to which the debate about the indivisibility principle has translated into in tandem state respect for Civil and Political rights and Social and Economic rights. Adapting and expanding on the ideas and methods proposed by Minkler and others, and building on the work of the CIRI data project and the SERF initiative, an empirical method is provided for the assessment of states’ de facto adhesion to the principle of indivisibility, which is enshrined in Human Rights law. Both global and country-specific longitudinal profiles of human rights respect are provided. The indivisibility thesis is tested via a series of numerical techniques. Furthermore, an empirical investigation is carried out to examine the extent to which human rights are in practice interdependent. In doing so, a bird’s-eye view analysis of states’ respect for human rights is provided. Results show that states’ practices in terms of upholding civil and political rights and fulfilling economic and social rights are neither frequently exercised, nor reveal any sort of dependence or reinforcing characteristic. In addition, although civil and political liberties are especially vulnerable, states that prioritized these rights seem just as concerned in fulfilling economic and social rights, whereas the opposite does not hold true. Finally, the pertinence and applications of the proposed methods and findings are discussed.Show less
This study examines the relationship between domestic constraints and the implementation of international agreements by concentrating on the process of ratification. Specifically, I empirically...Show moreThis study examines the relationship between domestic constraints and the implementation of international agreements by concentrating on the process of ratification. Specifically, I empirically focus on the case of German defection and the NATO mission to Libya. Since the main theories of international cooperation lacked the focus on domestic factors, this study tests the role of five domestic factors. However, with respect to their relative influence, I argue that domestic constraints are influenced themselves by (historical) narratives and prominent political elites.Show less
Whether the state can, even in theory, be legitimate was brought into question by Robert Paul Wolff’s “In Defense of Anarchy” (1970). Wolff argued for the illegitimacy of the state based on the...Show moreWhether the state can, even in theory, be legitimate was brought into question by Robert Paul Wolff’s “In Defense of Anarchy” (1970). Wolff argued for the illegitimacy of the state based on the incompatibility of practical authority and autonomy. This thesis aims to refute this claim of state illegitimacy by building on and adjusting Raz’s revision of authority, as put forward in “Morality of Freedom” (1986), to show that practical authority can in fact be compatible with moral and personal autonomy. It is hoped that this thesis can show by an a priori argument that there can be forms of human community in which some men have the moral right to rule (legitimate practical authority) even if their realization is highly unlikely.Show less
This paper is to illuminate the social significance of positional goods and to assess the desirability of equality of these goods. I begin with a characterization of strict and moderate...Show moreThis paper is to illuminate the social significance of positional goods and to assess the desirability of equality of these goods. I begin with a characterization of strict and moderate egalitarianism and their implications about equality; and I discuss the leveling down principle as well as its objection. Further, I turn to the issue of positionality and non-positionality; define positional goods; clarify the distinction between positional goods with non-positional aspect and non-positional goods with positional aspect; and demonstrate what a notable case equality (and leveling down) of positional goods is in the field of political philosophy and economics. I then proceed to an elaborate discussion about the desirability of equality of positional goods. I conclude that equality of these goods is not desirable and defend this claim on three egalitarian grounds: (1) non-positionality; (2) social growth; and (3) fair competition.Show less
