This paper looks at several voting power indices based upon the Banzhaf power index that take into account the ideology of voters. It then applies these indices to a voting body that is divided...Show moreThis paper looks at several voting power indices based upon the Banzhaf power index that take into account the ideology of voters. It then applies these indices to a voting body that is divided ideologically, the European Parliament. The modified power indices tend to reduce the voting power of party groups in extreme ideological positions, to the benefit of the median party group.Show less
This study aim at providing an answer to the core research question “What is the role of Twitter in the conduct of public diplomacy in The Netherlands?” On the basis of qualitative interviews with...Show moreThis study aim at providing an answer to the core research question “What is the role of Twitter in the conduct of public diplomacy in The Netherlands?” On the basis of qualitative interviews with foreign diplomats and experts on public diplomacy in The Netherlands, it was discovered that they use Twitter as a tool for providing the local communities with information about the advocated countries and their foreign policies. The foreign officials also employ Twitter to address certain members of the Dutch general public, attract their attention to specific topics and engage in discussions with them to enhance their perceptions of the represented states. The conducted content analysis of the Tweets posted by diplomats from the Embassy of Ecuador, the Embassy of Poland, the Embassy of Sweden, and the Embassy of the USA to the Netherlands also demonstrated that they post direct Tweets and personal messages concerning important topics to engage with the foreign publics. However, it is also found that only a small number of them use the language of the local community members, namely Dutch, to disseminate information about their foreign policies. Some of the interviewees explained that they translate only content that is relevant to the Dutch audiences in Dutch. Nevertheless, to engage in more debates with the local communities and enhance their understanding and image of the represented countries, it is recommended that foreign diplomats should provide all messages on Twitter in the language of the host state. Thus, they can use it as an effective tool for accomplishing their public diplomacy goals.Show less
Trust in political parties is declining and with it the relevance of parties, or so the de-alignment hypothesis claims. Using data from recent World Values Surveys, this paper provides evidence...Show moreTrust in political parties is declining and with it the relevance of parties, or so the de-alignment hypothesis claims. Using data from recent World Values Surveys, this paper provides evidence that the assumption is rather problematic. Longitudinal data shows that confidence is neither increasing nor declining but languishing at high levels. Additionally, cross-sectional data from the 2005-2008 WVS was analyzed using statistical tests at the individual and country level. The results demonstrate that one important factor increasing distrust is electoral disproportionality. Regime durability, interpersonal trust, and perceived democraticness reduce such sentiments. Corruption perception notably has no effect on individual respondents but decreases distrust on the national level. The results pose the question whether distrust is a reason for concern or just a phenomenon natural to representative democracy.Show less
This thesis compares the use of frames in newspaper articles and parliamentary documents with regard to privacy related events. The objectives are to clarify framing dynamics between Dutch media...Show moreThis thesis compares the use of frames in newspaper articles and parliamentary documents with regard to privacy related events. The objectives are to clarify framing dynamics between Dutch media and parliament, as well as to answer privacy-issue specific questions with regard to framing. Based on two major events demarcating the research period – i.e., the 2001 World Trade Center attacks and Edward Snowden’s NSA revelations mid 2013 – it is hypothesized that the way state authorities are framed changes over time from ensuring security towards violating privacy. Furthermore it is hypothesized that changes in privacy frames correspond between similar events and differ between distinct clusters of events. Finally, the ‘who-follows-who question’ is treated by means of a ‘lead/lag’ model that compares framing overlap between newspaper articles and parliamentary documents. The data used to achieve both objectives are acquired by coding two Dutch national newspapers (Telegraaf and Volkskrant) and written questions from Dutch parliament for the period between January 1999 and March 2014. Researching this particular period enables to assess the expected dynamics between both arenas between above mentioned landslide events. The data suggest that the expected changes in the way state authorities are frames is absent. The ‘lead/lag model suggests that on average media are leading parliament with regard to framing privacy related events. The data furthermore suggests no over-time shift in influence from one arena to the other. Unfortunately, the lead/lag model, as well as the long-term frame dynamics, provides only rough indicators for answering the research questions and assessing the set hypotheses. Therefore, the provided insights are only tentative and ask for further research, so as to deepen understanding about privacy frames and framing dynamics between media and parliament even further.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to examine the consequences of the economic crisis on the voting behavior of Greek citizens. The study seeks to discover the degree of influence of the economic issue on...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to examine the consequences of the economic crisis on the voting behavior of Greek citizens. The study seeks to discover the degree of influence of the economic issue on vote choice and provides an answer to the question of whether decreased support for the two traditional incumbent parties and increased support for the opposition parties can be attributed to the deterioration of the national economy. The analysis demonstrates that electoral volatility cannot be explained by the economic factor in the Greek case. The results suggest that partisan loyalties, which have affected political decisions in Greece historically, continue to have a strong impact in recent times. Greek voters seem to be highly influenced by long-term components, even in the context of the current economic recession.Show less
