The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the discussion about the grounds for the right to citizenship and to whom this applies. The focus here is on the postcolonial migrant, for this is the...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to contribute to the discussion about the grounds for the right to citizenship and to whom this applies. The focus here is on the postcolonial migrant, for this is the logical first step in acknowledging differences and inequalities within societies. Through analyzing the relationship between the postcolonial migrant and the former ruling nation I claim that the postcolonial migrant has a legitimate moral claim to citizenship in the former colonizing nation, the ‘motherland’. The legitimacy of this claim stems from grievances, an intertwined relationship and gratitude. Which together form the base of a new ground for the right to citizenship, which I propose to call jus paribus. This right to citizenship is a dormant right which should be given to first- and second-generation postcolonial migrants. By granting these generations a path to citizenship former colonizing nations can begin repaying their historical wrongs.Show less
While human trafficking is a major issue in every part of the European Union (EU), one Member State – the Netherlands – experiences trafficking rates which surpass those of its fellow EU Members....Show moreWhile human trafficking is a major issue in every part of the European Union (EU), one Member State – the Netherlands – experiences trafficking rates which surpass those of its fellow EU Members. In 2011, the EU Anti-Trafficking Directive was created with the overall intention of standardizing and implementing measures across the EU to combat human trafficking. The following article aims to explain why the Netherlands maintains exceptionally high human trafficking rates compared to the remainder of EU Member States, even though it has officially signed on to this directive. I examine the situation from a compliance perspective to understand whether causes of non-compliance such as corruption, a lack of benefits associated with complying, or the failure of national regulations to align with international stipulations is responsible. I then see whether the legal status of prostitution impedes the effectiveness of the directive’s stipulations which are directly correlated with variance in human trafficking rates. The time period I focus on is 2000-2020, beginning with the Dutch legalization of prostitution and continuing until the year in which I conduct this study. Doing so allows me to focus on the most recent and relevant information. The overall argument this articles makes is that non-compliance with the EU Anti-Trafficking Directive is not the cause of the Netherlands’ inability to curb human trafficking rates, as the directive actually fails to achieve its desired results due to the legal status of prostitution interfering with its success. I rely on information gathered through a discourse analysis of published data from the European Commission, EU Parliament, news articles, and surveys, along with interviews with Dutch government officials who specialize in the fields of legalized prostitution, human trafficking, and policy development to support this conclusion.Show less
This thesis aims to answer the research questions when does the word immigrant become a salient political issue. Migration and the immigrant have never been a more pressing issue to solve, and with...Show moreThis thesis aims to answer the research questions when does the word immigrant become a salient political issue. Migration and the immigrant have never been a more pressing issue to solve, and with current global trajectories they are likely to become even more central to international politics in the years to come. Academic literature remains adamant on finding the explanatory factor(s) for why and how the immigrant is politicised through political language, and from the perspective of understanding this political polarisation for the sake of preventing the harm to immigrants, this is an important and worthwhile pursuit. But this thesis argues that the Faroe Islands are a deviant case, as it contains all the common quantifiable explanatory metrics, yet immigration is not politicised. This contradicts the common correlative theories and instead connects the politicisation of immigration to the fundamental aspect of being a sovereign state and argues that the duty of discussing the phenomenon of immigration necessitates the words to define the debate, and it is the introduction of these words into the common sphere that sharpens, and therefore politicises, the immigration topic.Show less
Political corruption is a more or less universal phenomenon, but occurs much more frequently in some places than in others. This variation has been attributed to a range of factors on which...Show morePolitical corruption is a more or less universal phenomenon, but occurs much more frequently in some places than in others. This variation has been attributed to a range of factors on which countries perform either poorly or well. Yet, political corruption also occurs in countries that seem to perform well on most known indicators. As this has been an object of little scholarly attention, it remains largely unclear how we can explain the occurrence of political corruption in ‘unlikely places’; countries where such corruption is theoretically least likely to occur. This study explores the contours of an explanation by investigating a particular case in-depth: the case of Jos van Rey. The results suggest four potential explanations, that range from conceptual issues to the possibility that political corruption in unlikely places is to some extent unique, and driven by a distinct set of factors.Show less
When the irregular immigrant crossings exceeded one million in 2015, new policy tools and institutional structures were enhanced in the EU. Especially after 2015, it is possible to see references...Show moreWhen the irregular immigrant crossings exceeded one million in 2015, new policy tools and institutional structures were enhanced in the EU. Especially after 2015, it is possible to see references to the security of the EU and its member states caused by the migration crisis. To observe, this thesis evaluated how the migration into the EU has been securitized in Eurojust discourse between 2010 and 2019. By taking the speech act of the Copenhagen School as the basis, critical discourse analysis is conducted by using documents/publications of Eurojust. As a result of the analysis, it is found that in the period of 2010 and 2014, securitization of migration is not discursively framed. However, after 2015, discourse on securitization of migration can be seen in the documents of Eurojust.Show less
War videogames support and reproduce neo-imperialist rhetoric and world views. Videogames, due to their interactive nature, differ from any other cultural product and allow the consumer (player) to...Show moreWar videogames support and reproduce neo-imperialist rhetoric and world views. Videogames, due to their interactive nature, differ from any other cultural product and allow the consumer (player) to actively participate in the embedded narratives present in any game. In the following thesis, interviews with members of the military have been carried out and five videogames have been considered in the analysis (America’s Army: Proving Grounds, Airman Challenge, Counter Strike: Global Offensive, Battlefield 3 and Arma 3). Through a Gramscian approach, benefiting from concepts such as hegemony and persuasion and the understanding of ideas as material forces, and the use of audiovisual methods, the research has explored the role of absence and impossibility in the reproduction of hegemonic worldviews in war videogames.Show less
After the Paris attacks on November 13th, 2015, the French government sought to implement counter-terrorism strategic communications amongst other counter-radicalization measures. These measures...Show moreAfter the Paris attacks on November 13th, 2015, the French government sought to implement counter-terrorism strategic communications amongst other counter-radicalization measures. These measures were focused on media-based campaigns, which included several social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter and an educational website launched by the government: stop-dijhadisme.gouv.fr. This thesis focuses on one particular anti-jihadist media campaign called: #Toujourslechoix. The campaign was launched in November 2016 and although it is no longer being showcased across French educational institutions, till today the visual campaign is still used as a means to spread awareness and can easily be found on the government’s counter-radicalization website. Although the campaign received praise for reaching a large audience, the effectiveness of the campaign as an actual measure to combat radicalization remains contested. The debate surrounding counter-radicalization measures revolves around whether they are deemed effective, Islamophobic or simply ineffective, however scholars fail to address the reason as to why these measures, particularly these visual campaigns, are still being implemented. This thesis proposes to analyze the case study from the perspective of visual framing theory to answer the research question. This theory can successfully explain how social actors use visual frames to communicate certain messages. As such, this thesis argues that by using secondary frames the French government in fact always targets two audiences through two objectives: the first objective being that these visual campaigns should prevent a certain audience to radicalize and the second objective consists of the government also aiming to reassure the French population that the government is taking political action to combat Jihadism in France through these programs. The frames that the French government utilized serve the purpose of achieving these two aforementioned objectives. By using visual methods to analyze the two interactive governmental videos, this thesis will seek to reveal the first and second frames the government uses and will primarily highlight the secondary audience. This thesis concludes that although the primary target audience is the French Muslim community, visual indicators point towards the secondary audience being the non-Muslims of France, who have criticized the government for not implementing harsher counter-radicalization measures.Show less
This paper sets out to investigate how the invisibility of Roma manifests itself in the lived experience of college-educated non-Roma Hungarians. Paying particular attention to the phenomenon of...Show moreThis paper sets out to investigate how the invisibility of Roma manifests itself in the lived experience of college-educated non-Roma Hungarians. Paying particular attention to the phenomenon of everyday racism, audiovisual methods were utilized in order to answer the research question. Namely, this method was used to investigate microaggressions appearing through personal and vicarious stories told by the participants. The analysis of data revealed often missed aspects of microaggressions, namely those of non-verbal types. Studying these features provides additional insight into microaggressions which are important concepts for the understanding of everyday racism and prejudice in society.Show less
This thesis focuses on how Japanese immigrants living in the Netherlands develop a sense of belonging to Dutch society and maintain Japanese identity through interaction with Japanese communities....Show moreThis thesis focuses on how Japanese immigrants living in the Netherlands develop a sense of belonging to Dutch society and maintain Japanese identity through interaction with Japanese communities. This study employs a mixed method of 19 online surveys and eight semi-structured interviews. By asking in the ordinary language, two categories of belonging in society are found. These are: human interaction to create emotional safety and having the right to participate in a social system. The survey result shows that 10 out of 19 respondents have a sense of belonging to Dutch society. Overall, these people tend to have lived in the Netherlands longer than those who do not, such as students. Many of these long stayers are in a relationship or married to a Dutch person and live in the Netherlands with work experience. During the stay in the Netherlands, Japanese immigrants go through identity transformation from the intensification of Japaneseness to identity shifting between Japanese and Dutch cultures. The main role of the Japanese community is to provide emotional and informational support that contributes to maintaining Japanese identity. The opportunity of bridging with locals by Japanese ethnic networks is limited.Show less
In 2020 the monoethnic Perikatan Nasional coalition seized power from the multi-ethnic Pakatan Harapan coalition, resulting in a reversal of societal progress towards a more multicultural Malaysia....Show moreIn 2020 the monoethnic Perikatan Nasional coalition seized power from the multi-ethnic Pakatan Harapan coalition, resulting in a reversal of societal progress towards a more multicultural Malaysia. This development mimics the rise of populism within Europe, and thus warranted investigation to see if current understandings of European populism could explain this phenomenon in Malaysia. This study utilised discourse analysis to examine the coalition manifestos and member-party political rhetoric of the key Malaysian political coalitions from 2015 to 2020, establishing that Pakatan Harapan is the sole populist coalition consisting of non-populist parties. Pakatan Harapan was formed as a response to the widespread corruption of the previous ruling Barisan Nasional coalition, thus once they had gained power the divisions between its member-parties proved too great for the coalition to survive, resulting in the creation of Perikatan Nasional. This study refutes previous research that claimed populism was not feasible within Southeast Asia, providing evidence that such movements are not only possible but exist within the region.Show less
How do homeland tours influence the presumed relation young diasporans have with their ‘homeland’? This research has shown that Birthright has an impact on the Dutch participants’ identity and...Show moreHow do homeland tours influence the presumed relation young diasporans have with their ‘homeland’? This research has shown that Birthright has an impact on the Dutch participants’ identity and feelings of belonging to a Jewish community mainly through the socialization process of the group. Nonetheless, it also showed the limitations of political socialization on a homeland tour. The agency of the participants and other, stronger forms of political socialization are preventing Birthright from establishing a strong connection and support for Israel. On top of that, the in-depth interviews shed light on the complex realm of identity formation, feelings of belonging and attachment, that has been absent from previous survey-based research on the influence of Birthright. It tried to fill the gap left in the literature that has primarily been focused on Jewish-American relations with Israel by examining young Dutch Jews. This research led to more questions and it presents that much more research on Jewish-Dutch relations with Israel is necessary.Show less
This study addresses the harm of humanitarian aid provision in Yemen which suffers from limited sovereignty and various contesting political actors. By using a conceptual approach and a qualitative...Show moreThis study addresses the harm of humanitarian aid provision in Yemen which suffers from limited sovereignty and various contesting political actors. By using a conceptual approach and a qualitative case study of various texts, the study investigates the harm resulting from complex relations between different political actors in Yemen and aid/humanitarian organisations working to improve human lives. The study asks what is the harm posed by aid provision in Yemen? How does this harm manifest in Yemen and, what are the outcomes of this harm? In Yemen, the main harm of aid provision, amidst what I describe as the crisis of sovereignty, is the augmentation of the crisis of sovereignty due to the involvement of aid organisations. The study argues that harm, in the case of Yemen, is an unintended consequence of various institutional and organisational disparities while the outcomes affect the economic and humanitarian situation of the local population. This unintended harm of the augmented crisis of sovereignty in Yemen, I argue, stands in contrast with the morally perceived harm of injustice portrayed in the literature. The result of this study is the conceptual rendering of harm both as an inevitable consequence and non-moral harm.Show less
