External support to security sector reform (SSR) has emerged as a crucial instrument in international peacebuilding and state-building operations and is widely considered as the sine qua non of...Show moreExternal support to security sector reform (SSR) has emerged as a crucial instrument in international peacebuilding and state-building operations and is widely considered as the sine qua non of contemporary post-conflict reconstruction efforts in post-conflict or fragile states. Although SSR is considered as a core instrument of state-building and as a precondition for achieving peace and development, its record of achievement is quite limited. This thesis seeks to explain how the conventional SSR focus on state security undermines post-conflict transition and fails to enable an environment for sustainable peace and development. Based on the transition processes in Afghanistan and Timor Leste, this thesis argues that a state-centric approach to SSR is likely to be less effective in hybrid states and can even destabilise state recovery by protecting state institutions that are not embedded within society.Show less
The year 2010 inaugurated a tumultuous period for a range of countries in the Middle East and Northern Africa. Protests compelling for democratization culminated in violent clashes between rebels...Show moreThe year 2010 inaugurated a tumultuous period for a range of countries in the Middle East and Northern Africa. Protests compelling for democratization culminated in violent clashes between rebels and authoritarian regimes across the region. In response to the escalation of violence in Libya, an alliance of countries established a no-fly zone for halting the exorbitant regime violence against the rebels and the population. Shortly after, NATO took over command. A similar intervention in Syria did not occur, in spite of the widespread human rights violations and grave human suffering. A comparison between the cases of Libya and Syria sheds light on the factors that shaped the different international community responses to the conflicts and also contributes to the greater puzzle of why states intervene in some atrocities but not in others. This study found that a prime factor impacting humanitarian intervention occurrence in Libya and Syria is the UN Security Council’s task to provide authorization within a context of disputed legality of humanitarian interventions. In addition, it is concluded that UNSC member’s positions with respect to intervening were guided by their political interests and to a lesser extent by their economic interests. Finally, the anticipated outcomes of the two humanitarian intervention scenarios influenced intervention behavior, which explains why only one intervention was conducted. All these factors are indispensable components of an inclusive explanation for the different responses to the civil wars in Libya and Syria.Show less
The banning of religious dress, such as the burqa, has sparked much debate over the last two decades. While secularism is a concept most countries committed to liberal values engage with, at least...Show moreThe banning of religious dress, such as the burqa, has sparked much debate over the last two decades. While secularism is a concept most countries committed to liberal values engage with, at least on the perspective of religious freedom, only some countries have formally applied it. France has been legally bound to secularism since 1905 and strongly maintains this stance, issuing the broadest restrictions on religiosity in public under its laïcité model. Although secularism has historically been associated with the Christian tradition, having come out of Enlightenment thought, its modern use seems to affect other religious communities to a greater extent, which has come with much criticism from the affected communities. This paper examines how the application of secularism interplays with the theory of religious decolonisation, in the context of a single-case study analysis of France. Through the use of qualitative content analysis the French government’s exposition of their secularism, laïcité, this paper has found a negative or non-consequential interplay between both concepts.Show less
This research explores the potential impact of EU election observation missions on the quality of elections, through the diffusion of democratic standards. The analysis is based on a single-case...Show moreThis research explores the potential impact of EU election observation missions on the quality of elections, through the diffusion of democratic standards. The analysis is based on a single-case study of the Kenyan elections building on diverse data including reports and interviews, applied in the process tracing method. Building on socialization theory and norm diffusion, I hypothesize that election observation has an impact on election quality, through the diffusion of democratic values. The Kenyan legal framework meets international obligations requiring elections to be “accountable and transparent”. But the tumultuous history of election violence highlighted fundamental issues and systematic problems that must be addressed. The findings show that there is a relevant added value to the presence of EU EOM, within different phases of the election cycle. The implementation of the EU EOM recommendations plays a key role in understanding the contribution of election observation to improve election quality. EU EOMs are found to be effective in deterring fraud and corruption, as election observation contributes to pressuring government officials to respect the electoral law. In the Kenyan case, the implementation of recommendations contributed to the mitigation of election-related violence, and the promotion of the stakeholders' confidence in the electoral process.Show less
This article seeks to address increasing concerns about the resurgence of US far-right groups in the wake of the January 6th Insurrection (2021) by studying an unexamined, nascent but influential,...Show moreThis article seeks to address increasing concerns about the resurgence of US far-right groups in the wake of the January 6th Insurrection (2021) by studying an unexamined, nascent but influential, far-right group known as the National Justice Party (NJP). Examining the NJP’s discourses provides both a better understanding of new developments within the far-right, as well as knowledge of how best to counter them. By applying the discourse-historical approach, it was found that the NJP’s discourses are partially in established literature as it relates to far-right ideological influences and the structure of its discourses. The NJP is partially outside of it for its novel systemization of what it calls ‘the anti-white system.’ This system causes whites to be systematically disadvantaged by elite Jews for advantage or profit. The anti-semitic scapegoating in addition to other contextual factors, suggest that the NJP is motivated by the increasing economic precarity and racial polarization in the country. This study contributes to the established literature by addressing a modest gap, and offers some policies to neutralize the appeals of the NJP’s discourses.Show less
Despite the upward trend of democratization since the mid-1970s, there are still many countries that are struggling to make the transition from autocracy to democracy. One of these countries is...Show moreDespite the upward trend of democratization since the mid-1970s, there are still many countries that are struggling to make the transition from autocracy to democracy. One of these countries is Zimbabwe. In 2008, Zimbabwe appeared to be on the brink of democratic change. This thesis investigates why these democratic changes did not materialize by analyzing the situation through the lens of the elite-driven theory of democratization. Using the qualitative research methods and theory building, this thesis can further develop the elite-driven theory of democratization and simultaneously investigate the puzzle of the Zimbabwean case. of within case theory building, this project develops both the elite-driven theory of democratization and investigates the puzzle of the Zimbabwean case. Conceptually, the project finds that the elite-driven theory lacks concrete empirical indicators and expectations which makes it an incomplete theory to use for investigating real-life cases. With regards to Zimbabwe, this project finds that democratization led by the elite did not occur in 2008 because the theoretical conditions did not materialize themselves as expected. Additionally, the project also finds that democratization is not a rational choice for elites and if they are given any other alternative that can protect their collective wealth and power then they will not encourage democracy.Show less
There are 88.313 people in the Netherlands that are categorised as nationality unknown in the Dutch Personal Record Database. This categorisation is not the same as being stateless in the...Show moreThere are 88.313 people in the Netherlands that are categorised as nationality unknown in the Dutch Personal Record Database. This categorisation is not the same as being stateless in the Netherlands, since people with an unknown nationality are expected provide the necessary national documents to obtain the Dutch nationality. This often leaves them in a de facto stateless position, without the mechanisms in the Netherlands to determine statelessness. With this paper, the aim will be to gain insights into the lived experiences of people with a Dutch residence permit with an unknown nationality and to examine the position of being in between statuses of a residence permit and citizenship, since most of the people in this group can to a great extent (with certain limitations) participate in the Dutch society. Through semi-structured interviews, this paper concluded the pivotal role of AZCs, building a life in the Netherlands and the mechanisms of politics of belonging.Show less
The post pandemic (COVID-19) world has been significantly different from the pre pandemic one. As the world embarks on creating and adjusting to a new normal it is important to acknowledge that the...Show moreThe post pandemic (COVID-19) world has been significantly different from the pre pandemic one. As the world embarks on creating and adjusting to a new normal it is important to acknowledge that the duration of the pandemic saw not only a public health crisis but also a political one. The body of literature provides a rich understanding of digital repression and its various dimensions. However, there is a gap in understanding digital repression in the context of public health emergency, particularly in democracies. The COVID-19 pandemic witnessed the convergence of a public health emergency and a political crisis, with significant implications for digital repression. This study aims to fill this gap by examining the intensification of digital repression in democracies during public health emergency, contributing to a broader understanding of the intersection between digital repression, emergency situations, and democratic governance. The academic and social relevance of this study lies in its potential to inform policy and decision-making during future public health emergencies. Additionally, this study contributes to a broader understanding of the impact of digital technologies on democratic values, human rights, and governance in the digital age. The findings conclude that the states tend to amplify digital repression during public health emergency situations.Show less
Theories of political legitimacy are concerned, in short, with states’ moral right to create and enforce laws and regulations, and to see these respected by their citizens. Of all available...Show moreTheories of political legitimacy are concerned, in short, with states’ moral right to create and enforce laws and regulations, and to see these respected by their citizens. Of all available theories of legitimacy, so-called consent theories are often taken to be a straightforward and convincing way of grounding such a right. Despite this advantage, many also argue that virtually no existing state secures the valid consent of its citizens, undermining the theories’ success in the real world. In face of such challenges, several thinkers have proposed various societal reforms to bring about widespread, valid consent, thereby safeguarding states’ legitimacy. The work at hand offers an overview of three of the most convincing so-called reformist consent theories and argues that all face serious challenges. It then argues that panarchy, a largely overlooked meta-political framework that defends a plurality of non-territorial states and that places citizen’s direct express consent at its core, successfully answers these challenges, gaining the theoretical upper hand over other reformist theories. It then concludes by assessing some of the strongest objections against panarchy, underlining the strengths and weaknesses of the theory, and spelling out venues for further research.Show less
The encouragement of regional integration is one element of the European Union’s external action since the beginning of the European Union (Smith, 2008). Especially since the 1990s the European...Show moreThe encouragement of regional integration is one element of the European Union’s external action since the beginning of the European Union (Smith, 2008). Especially since the 1990s the European Union started vigorously to support for regional economic integration efforts among developing countries after being issued in the European Commission. According to the Commission, regional integration among developing countries, unless implemented in a transparent and open manner, encourages their integration in the world economy and plays a key role in conflict prevention and peace consolidation (European Commission, 1995). Furthermore, the European Parliament also shares this view of the Commission and points on the importance of regional integration and free trade agreements for the establishment of a more equitable world trade system (European Parliament, 2002). More recently, the EU seems to have stepped up its efforts to shape the regional integration process of developing countries, by undertaking comprehensive agreements with regional groupings, which cover not just trade, but also trade-related issues, development concerns and political aspects. Given the importance of regional integration of for the EU I will, with this research, analyse the intentional use of NPE at regional level, notably the actions of the EU towards regional integration in ASEAN. In order to analyse whether the EU is a normative power in prompting regional integration, this thesis will analyse the means, the impact and the intention of the EU towards Southeast Asian regional integration.Show less
This study focuses on the effects of ostracism on party discourse. By examining whether the rhetoric of radical right parties about ‘others’ (i.e., referring to democracy, its institutions and...Show moreThis study focuses on the effects of ostracism on party discourse. By examining whether the rhetoric of radical right parties about ‘others’ (i.e., referring to democracy, its institutions and political parties) has changed after an experience of exclusion, this study aims to determine whether the discourse tends to radicalise or moderate. A qualitative content analysis of 1,000 tweets from two excluded radical right parties in the Netherlands - the PVV (Party for Freedom) and FVD (Forum for Democracy) - and their front men in different periods has shown that their discourse became more radical after their exclusion from coalition negotiations. In addition, the results indicate that the measured effects are more pronounced with the first exclusion than with a subsequent exclusion.Show less
