This thesis provides a comprehensive exploration of the anarchistic perspective on the seminal event known as the Kronstadt uprising in 1921, widely acknowledged as one of the pivotal anti...Show moreThis thesis provides a comprehensive exploration of the anarchistic perspective on the seminal event known as the Kronstadt uprising in 1921, widely acknowledged as one of the pivotal anti-Bolshevik movements in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution. The research delves into the evolution and significance of anarchistic discourses, scrutinizing a diverse assortment of primary sources such as seminal book publications and contemporary newspaper issues. The objective is to unfold and dissect the layered perceptions and narratives, contributing to a deeper, multi-faceted understanding of this historical event within the context of anarchistic ideology.Show less
In light of the absence of Russian and Chinese responses to security related events in Central Asia, the security question of the region has gotten new attention. During mass unrests in 2022 in...Show moreIn light of the absence of Russian and Chinese responses to security related events in Central Asia, the security question of the region has gotten new attention. During mass unrests in 2022 in autonomous regions in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, the two big, self-proclaimed security actors of the region presented a deafening silence and did not intervene. This bared the question about Central Asian security and a potential realignment in security. This paper investigates the extent to which the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (SCO RATS) has facilitated security realignment in Central Asia over the past decade. Employing a combination of the Regional Security Complex Theory with institutional liberalism, the study utilizes comparative historical analysis and content analysis to examine the evolving Central Asian security situation in 2013 and 2022. It specifically evaluates the degree to which the SCO RATS, designed for military exercise and intelligence on terrorism sharing, has influenced the security realignment. The findings have confirmed a clear security alignment and furthermore suggested a shift in focus and actors. In comparison to 2013, Russia’s and its organisations position as a security guarantor has significantly weakened in 2022. However, Russia’s weakening did not lead to a clear shift of Central Asian states security politics towards China or its security organisations. Instead, Central Asia has embraced a more multilateral security strategy, emphasizing collaborative efforts through joint bilateral exercises and interregional links, instead of relying on a singular outside actor like it did in 2013. Despite its objectives, the SCO RATS has not provided China or SCO itself with a definitive mechanism to reorient the region towards China’s security orbit. This research contributes to a comprehensive understanding of the security dynamics in Central Asia of the last decade and the role played by the SCO RATS. By highlighting the region’s interconnectedness in various aspects of security and the security issues the region is facing, it underscores the need for exploration of the factors influencing security realignment and the region’s security politics to gain an understanding about the past and more important – the future of Central Asian security.Show less
This thesis explores the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on the middle-high income economy of Azerbaijan. The research specifically focuses on whether public statements made by...Show moreThis thesis explores the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on the middle-high income economy of Azerbaijan. The research specifically focuses on whether public statements made by Azerbaijani and Chinese politicians – asserting that the BRI has promoted Azerbaijan's economic growth – align with economic realities. This is examined through four facets: the BRI’s role in Azerbaijan's emergence as a transit hub, economic diversification, overall economic growth, and Sino-Azerbaijani cooperation beyond the transport sector. The results seem to suggest an association between BRI partnership and positive economic changes, such as economic diversification and GDP growth. However, the assertion that the BRI is the sole driver of these changes is premature, considering other influencing factors and the recent establishment of the BRI. Therefore, while political rhetoric may not entirely match the economic reality, the findings suggest potential for future bilateral benefits and economic growth. A need for further long-term research is needed to solidify any of the conclusions.Show less
This thesis analyzes the ongoing sociolinguistic development of Surzhyk and seeks to offer a preliminary classification of this language variety. Applying theories of contact language development...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the ongoing sociolinguistic development of Surzhyk and seeks to offer a preliminary classification of this language variety. Applying theories of contact language development and classification criteria to the case study of Surzhyk, a classification of Surzhyk as a fused lect or developing mixed language is suggested.Show less
The role of the Russian language in the context of the Ukrainian national identity has become an increasingly relevant question in the wake of the annexation of Crimea and the ongoing Russo...Show moreThe role of the Russian language in the context of the Ukrainian national identity has become an increasingly relevant question in the wake of the annexation of Crimea and the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian War. With a domestic linguistic environment that is becoming increasingly hostile to the use of the Russian language, its role in the Ukrainian nation-state and implications for its use among Ukrainian native speakers of the Russian language remain significant. The following paper argues that the Russian language can remain a salient medium of national expression for Ukrainians, due to grammatical differences typical of Ukrainian variants of the Russian language which allow speakers to distinguish themselves from Russian speakers of the Russian language. This is possible through the differential use of the prepositions “в” (v) and “на” (na) when used in reference to Ukraine as a distinct and sovereign political entity. This hypothesis is proved through a survey conducted among Russian speaking constituencies from Russia, Ukraine, and other states of the former Soviet Union, which demonstrated statistically significant differences in grammatical usage and constructions among these constituencies in regard to Ukraine. As a result, the use of the Russian language in Ukraine, at least within this context, can be considered distinct from that as is spoken in Russia and the other states of the former Soviet Union.Show less
Especially in the last decade, pipelines transporting Russian natural gas abroad have come under much attention in academic studies. The academic debate surrounding these pipelines is characterized...Show moreEspecially in the last decade, pipelines transporting Russian natural gas abroad have come under much attention in academic studies. The academic debate surrounding these pipelines is characterized by a wide variety of different viewpoints, which can be broadly classified into studies ascribing geopolitical and economic motives to Russian energy policymakers. This thesis adds to the literature on Russian gas pipelines by examining Russian official rhetoric on the Nord Stream 2 and Power of Siberia pipelines, the largest pipelines from Russia to Europe and China, respectively, planned in the last decade. In particular, it questions the dichotomy between geopolitical and economic ways of looking at pipelines by examining how Russian officials use narratives of both kinds in justifying the construction of these pipelines. In analyzing statements from various Russian officials, this thesis used qualitative content analysis, meaning that the narratives discussed are the result of a close reading and interpretation of the statements, instead of identifying and counting the use of key words. The results of this research show that Russian officials have regularly made use of both geopolitical and economic narratives to justify both pipelines – with economic narratives slightly more prevalent – , but the nature of these narratives and the frequency of their use differs widely between the cases. This calls into question the strong focus on either economic or geopolitical factors that can be seen in the literature.Show less
Since gaining its independence from the Soviet Union, the foreign policy of the Eastern European state named the Republic of Moldova has been heavily influenced by the region of Transnistria, a...Show moreSince gaining its independence from the Soviet Union, the foreign policy of the Eastern European state named the Republic of Moldova has been heavily influenced by the region of Transnistria, a breakaway territory found within Moldova's borders. This thesis will look at the extent and means through which Transnistria exerted its influence on Moldova's relations with The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).Show less
An overview of the Belarusian foreign policy of the past 5 years not including the ongiong situation on Ukraine. Looking with mostly realist views at the evolution of the Belarusian foreign policy,...Show moreAn overview of the Belarusian foreign policy of the past 5 years not including the ongiong situation on Ukraine. Looking with mostly realist views at the evolution of the Belarusian foreign policy, this paper has found, that Belarus has, after a period of decline in relations, been slowly looking to rekindle past relations.Show less
Triggered by the Euromaidan protests of 2013/14, Ukraine over the past eight years has experienced a cultural revival as a response to Russian aggression. This revival has manifested itself no more...Show moreTriggered by the Euromaidan protests of 2013/14, Ukraine over the past eight years has experienced a cultural revival as a response to Russian aggression. This revival has manifested itself no more so than in music, where numerous Ukrainian artists have used traditional instruments and ethnic motifs in combination with broader, “western” styles of popular music. In this thesis I will argue that the motivation behind this music revival - and by extension the wider cultural revival in general - is a restorative nostalgia for a free, flourishing, democratic, western-oriented, independent Ukraine that is entirely separate from Russia. After noting the stark similarities between music revivalism and restorative nostalgia, I will answer how more deeply held restorative nostalgic sentiments manifest themselves in Ukrainian revivalist music, and investigate why these sentiments manifest themselves in the way that they do. I will argue that contemporary Ukrainian revivalist popular music is instrumentalising the past in present-day culture in order to “create a future”. I term this process “signposting” insofar that signposts create a future for those who follow them, promising where they will eventually end up should they choose that path. Given Russia’s renewed, full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24th February 2022, this topic is particularly current, and will demonstrate Ukrainian culture’s tenacity, ingenuity, adaptability and resilience in the face of Russian military and cultural aggression. While the discussions in this thesis predominantly focus on cultural artefacts from between 2014 and 2021, all evidence is pointing to another Ukrainian cultural revival borne out of the events of 2022 that will make the revival of the past decade seem fairly timid by comparison. To this end, I include an afterword looking at Ukrainian music during the latest chapter of the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war.Show less
