This thesis provides a comprehensive exploration of the anarchistic perspective on the seminal event known as the Kronstadt uprising in 1921, widely acknowledged as one of the pivotal anti...Show moreThis thesis provides a comprehensive exploration of the anarchistic perspective on the seminal event known as the Kronstadt uprising in 1921, widely acknowledged as one of the pivotal anti-Bolshevik movements in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution. The research delves into the evolution and significance of anarchistic discourses, scrutinizing a diverse assortment of primary sources such as seminal book publications and contemporary newspaper issues. The objective is to unfold and dissect the layered perceptions and narratives, contributing to a deeper, multi-faceted understanding of this historical event within the context of anarchistic ideology.Show less
In light of the absence of Russian and Chinese responses to security related events in Central Asia, the security question of the region has gotten new attention. During mass unrests in 2022 in...Show moreIn light of the absence of Russian and Chinese responses to security related events in Central Asia, the security question of the region has gotten new attention. During mass unrests in 2022 in autonomous regions in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, the two big, self-proclaimed security actors of the region presented a deafening silence and did not intervene. This bared the question about Central Asian security and a potential realignment in security. This paper investigates the extent to which the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (SCO RATS) has facilitated security realignment in Central Asia over the past decade. Employing a combination of the Regional Security Complex Theory with institutional liberalism, the study utilizes comparative historical analysis and content analysis to examine the evolving Central Asian security situation in 2013 and 2022. It specifically evaluates the degree to which the SCO RATS, designed for military exercise and intelligence on terrorism sharing, has influenced the security realignment. The findings have confirmed a clear security alignment and furthermore suggested a shift in focus and actors. In comparison to 2013, Russia’s and its organisations position as a security guarantor has significantly weakened in 2022. However, Russia’s weakening did not lead to a clear shift of Central Asian states security politics towards China or its security organisations. Instead, Central Asia has embraced a more multilateral security strategy, emphasizing collaborative efforts through joint bilateral exercises and interregional links, instead of relying on a singular outside actor like it did in 2013. Despite its objectives, the SCO RATS has not provided China or SCO itself with a definitive mechanism to reorient the region towards China’s security orbit. This research contributes to a comprehensive understanding of the security dynamics in Central Asia of the last decade and the role played by the SCO RATS. By highlighting the region’s interconnectedness in various aspects of security and the security issues the region is facing, it underscores the need for exploration of the factors influencing security realignment and the region’s security politics to gain an understanding about the past and more important – the future of Central Asian security.Show less
This thesis explores the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on the middle-high income economy of Azerbaijan. The research specifically focuses on whether public statements made by...Show moreThis thesis explores the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on the middle-high income economy of Azerbaijan. The research specifically focuses on whether public statements made by Azerbaijani and Chinese politicians – asserting that the BRI has promoted Azerbaijan's economic growth – align with economic realities. This is examined through four facets: the BRI’s role in Azerbaijan's emergence as a transit hub, economic diversification, overall economic growth, and Sino-Azerbaijani cooperation beyond the transport sector. The results seem to suggest an association between BRI partnership and positive economic changes, such as economic diversification and GDP growth. However, the assertion that the BRI is the sole driver of these changes is premature, considering other influencing factors and the recent establishment of the BRI. Therefore, while political rhetoric may not entirely match the economic reality, the findings suggest potential for future bilateral benefits and economic growth. A need for further long-term research is needed to solidify any of the conclusions.Show less
This thesis analyzes the ongoing sociolinguistic development of Surzhyk and seeks to offer a preliminary classification of this language variety. Applying theories of contact language development...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the ongoing sociolinguistic development of Surzhyk and seeks to offer a preliminary classification of this language variety. Applying theories of contact language development and classification criteria to the case study of Surzhyk, a classification of Surzhyk as a fused lect or developing mixed language is suggested.Show less
The role of the Russian language in the context of the Ukrainian national identity has become an increasingly relevant question in the wake of the annexation of Crimea and the ongoing Russo...Show moreThe role of the Russian language in the context of the Ukrainian national identity has become an increasingly relevant question in the wake of the annexation of Crimea and the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian War. With a domestic linguistic environment that is becoming increasingly hostile to the use of the Russian language, its role in the Ukrainian nation-state and implications for its use among Ukrainian native speakers of the Russian language remain significant. The following paper argues that the Russian language can remain a salient medium of national expression for Ukrainians, due to grammatical differences typical of Ukrainian variants of the Russian language which allow speakers to distinguish themselves from Russian speakers of the Russian language. This is possible through the differential use of the prepositions “в” (v) and “на” (na) when used in reference to Ukraine as a distinct and sovereign political entity. This hypothesis is proved through a survey conducted among Russian speaking constituencies from Russia, Ukraine, and other states of the former Soviet Union, which demonstrated statistically significant differences in grammatical usage and constructions among these constituencies in regard to Ukraine. As a result, the use of the Russian language in Ukraine, at least within this context, can be considered distinct from that as is spoken in Russia and the other states of the former Soviet Union.Show less
This thesis analyses the forms, content, networks and function of Uzbekistani representations of Temurid figures, namely Amir Temur and Alisher Navoiy, across the Soviet and post-Soviet (Karimovian...Show moreThis thesis analyses the forms, content, networks and function of Uzbekistani representations of Temurid figures, namely Amir Temur and Alisher Navoiy, across the Soviet and post-Soviet (Karimovian and Mirziyoyevian) eras in order to assess the degree of change and continuity in these components across time and the reasons for said change and continuity. After an introduction, an explanation of the methodology and a literature review related to the state of affairs in Central Asian Studies, and English and Russian scholarship on Uzbekistani nation-building and Temurid figures, there are three chapters. Chapter 1 provides an overview of the early Soviet nation-building project in Uzbekistan (1920s-1940s) and the relationship of Alisher Navoiy and Amir Temur to this in the context of Soviet ethnogenesis and historiography. It also analyses the failed attempt at the rehabilitation of Temur in the 1960s due to said historiography and analysing the late Soviet context which laid the foundation for post-independence nation-building in which Temur and Navoiy have played an integral role. Chapter 2 examines the context of Uzbekistan’s newfound independence from 1991 onwards before taking a case study of the 1996 celebrations linked to Amir Temur’s 660th anniversary in 1996, analysing decrees, speeches, the use of public space, and a literary publication related to this anniversary and the relationship of a rehabilitated Amir Temur in particular to state legitimisation and nation-building in the Karimovian era. It finds that an Uzbekified and "Universalised" Temur was a key image in the domestic and international legitimisation of early post-Soviet rule. Chapter 3 turns to Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s presidency (2016-present), examining the context of this political and historical crossroads in post-independence Uzbekistan before turning to a case study of the 2021 celebrations of Alisher Navoiy’s 580th anniversary, looking at decrees and associated actions as well as an online forum from the British-Uzbek Society. It is argued that cultural diplomacy is seen as a way of domestically and internationally rebranding Uzbekistan in the post-Karimovian era, though the structure of the cultural diplomacy betrays deeper tendencies toward continuity.Show less
