A socio-historical, comparative curriculum study in both time (1945-2010s) and space (France, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands) concerning the representation of European identity in two types...Show moreA socio-historical, comparative curriculum study in both time (1945-2010s) and space (France, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands) concerning the representation of European identity in two types of secondary school curricula: the formal curricula of these four Western European countries and the so-called 'ideological curricula' consisting out of international recommendations from the Council of Europe and UNESCO. The starting point of the research is that a majority of citizens in the European Union consider themselves to feel 'European' in one way or another according to Eurobarometer surveys. The thesis further explores the relationship with curriculum reforms and international educational organisations since 1945. The idea of having complementary, international forms of identity and citizenship requires the increase of international understanding among citizens over time. Meanwhile, fostering international understanding has generally been the main purpose of UNESCO. Curriculum construction is a comprehensive, unfathomable process, but the four cases of formal curricula demonstrate the rise of a global scope in history education throughout the decades. The thesis suggests that education can be understood as a gearwheel accelerating the processes of European integration that were already in place.Show less
Over the last two decades, we have observed a surge in support for populist parties. As populism is known to thrive on crisis, the current COVID-19 pandemic provides an interesting case to study...Show moreOver the last two decades, we have observed a surge in support for populist parties. As populism is known to thrive on crisis, the current COVID-19 pandemic provides an interesting case to study its nature. This thesis tests whether the three-folded paradox of populism observed in the U.S. by Rogers Brubaker (2020) holds for the Netherlands and Germany, by means of a comparative discourse analysis. This analysis covers the Twitter discourse of Dutch politicians Geert Wilders and Thierry Baudet, and the German populist party, Alternative für Deutschland, during the first wave of COVID-19. This thesis thereby enters the conceptual debate on populism, arguing the observed discourse to not convey a consistent ideology, but instead to adhere to certain stylistic elements that could be qualified as characteristic of a populist political style. Moreover, the comparative analysis will shed light on whether the rise of populism can be classified as a global, perhaps ideological phenomenon, or whether national characteristics also play a role. Throughout this thesis, the role and importance of the contemporary media landscape with its various online channels for the mobilisation of contemporary populists are taken into consideration. As a surge in populist rhetoric could further uproot the established global political landscape, understanding this phenomenon is of high importance for the future of international relations.Show less
This thesis investigates Germany’s interpretation of European Strategic Autonomy by looking at its strategic culture. Germany’s strategic culture, developed following World War II, emphasizes the...Show moreThis thesis investigates Germany’s interpretation of European Strategic Autonomy by looking at its strategic culture. Germany’s strategic culture, developed following World War II, emphasizes the importance of multilateralism, military restraint, and upholding the status quo. Using these elements, the thesis will evaluate how the idea of ESA aligns with Germany’s strategic culture. This paper uses an interdisciplinary lens to draw upon the disciplines of history, sociology, psychology, political science, and international relations. Along with interviews and a content analysis of primary and secondary sources, the analysis shows that Germany’s strategic culture does influence its interpretation of ESA, which effects its ambition on the topic. This is a relevant topic as in September 2021, Germany will elect a new Chancellor, offering the opportunity to transition its security and defense policies.Show less
Academic and popular interest in Russia’s ‘compatriot protection’ surged after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014. Fears of ‘Crimea’ constituting a precedent rather than an isolated case were...Show moreAcademic and popular interest in Russia’s ‘compatriot protection’ surged after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014. Fears of ‘Crimea’ constituting a precedent rather than an isolated case were common, with journalists and scholars going to lengths as to which post-Soviet republic with a sizeable Russian-speaking population would be the next ‘domino’ in the ‘domino effect’ that Crimea was argued to bring about. Much has been written about Russia’s ‘compatriot protection’ since, but much less has been written about the factors favorable to the hypothesized replication of ‘Crimea’ for individual cases such as Belarus. By transforming Laruelle’s study of Russian secessionism in Kazakhstan into a more broadly applicable analytical framework, this thesis ultimately suggests that the conditions in Belarus – the lack of focus of ‘compatriot issues’ in Russia-Belarus relations, the difficulty of delineating a ‘Russian part’ of Belarus and its population, and the lack of a grassroots organizational framework – are ultimately unfavorable to Russian-sponsored secessionism.Show less
This thesis tests the case of the Arctic Council, the leading international organization focused exclusively on the northernmost region on earth, against Liberalism and other theories of...Show moreThis thesis tests the case of the Arctic Council, the leading international organization focused exclusively on the northernmost region on earth, against Liberalism and other theories of International Relations. Established in 1996 and including former Cold War opponents Russia and the United States among its signatories, the Council’s existence as a platform for cooperation so soon after the Cold War highlights its global and historical significance. By looking at the core of the Arctic Council, this thesis highlights its development as an international organization and aims to underline how military confrontations have been kept to a minimum. Since its establishment, the Council has faced a multitude of challenges as an international organization where the environmental change has facilitated access to more natural resources in the Arctic, catching the attention of other states and organizations who wish to exploit these changes to their own benefit. This thesis concludes that the Arctic Council has developed into a more structured international organization and can be evaluated to be a successful one. This research suggests the cooperation between the Arctic states within the Arctic Council can be a preventing factor for military confrontation from escalating in the region. The Council is argued to have acted within its geostrategic framework, been successful in what it was established to do and adapted to a changing landscape in the region at the same time. To stay within their stated mission and act within their geostrategic framework to reduce military tension is argued the lesson to be learned for other international organizations from the case of the Arctic Council.Show less
The fourth industrial revolution (4IR) is seen as the fourth time that a series of technological innovations will revolutionise the production and movement of goods. The prospect of a 4IR also...Show moreThe fourth industrial revolution (4IR) is seen as the fourth time that a series of technological innovations will revolutionise the production and movement of goods. The prospect of a 4IR also sprouted a debate surrounding the socioeconomic implications that may come with these technological innovations. The 4IR could have grave consequences for low-skilled labourers. For example, the automation of production may result in a predicament where human labour can no longer compete with machines, which may decrease demand for low-skilled labour or make it redundant. As a result, in highly developed countries growing job insecurities may accelerate the growth of a “new dangerous class” called the precariat. This class could put pressure the political foundations of capitalist democratic societies. Moreover, in developing countries, automation of production may result in companies deciding to relocate their production back to highly developed countries where most of their consumers are based. As a consequence, developing countries can no longer depend on their comparative advantage of having an abundance of cheap labour. Hence, one can argue that the development strategy of development by way of industrialisation may become unworkable. In short, the 4IR may increase the gap between rich and poor, decrease social mobility and increased labour insecurity; all of which resonate with some of the contradictions that Karl Marx thought were endemic to the capitalist economy. This thesis will investigate this predicament through an analysis of the socioeconomic effects emerging from the 4IR and relating this to Marx’s critique of capitalism. The thesis aims to add to existing literature on Marx by considering the relevance of Marx in the 21st century.Show less
The primary goal of this article is to identify the correlation between European integration and the transition to renewable sources of electricity. Several factors, such as environmental concerns...Show moreThe primary goal of this article is to identify the correlation between European integration and the transition to renewable sources of electricity. Several factors, such as environmental concerns and depleting deposits of fossil-fuels, have made the European Union and its member-states decide that in order to secure accessible, cheap and stable electricity, new sources of energy are required. The premise of this article is that past and contemporary European integration in energy policies is built upon energy security in correlation with the specific characteristics of fossil-fuels. The result is a unique combination of international cooperation and national sovereignty which needs to be identified and understood. Therefore, this article will first of all identify past European energy policies based on fossil-fuels. These are the founding documents of the European Coal and Steel Community and the European response to the 1973 oil crisis. These events will be followed by an analysis of EU-wide energy policies in recent year. In the following chapter, several forms of energy which can act as a substitute to fossil-fuels in the EU will be analysed, to precisely define what their specific characteristics are and how they can potentially be used to reduce dependency on fossil-fuels. When this is done, the three case-studies of the Netherlands, Sweden and Bulgaria will serve as a description of how states are currently approaching the transition to renewable sources of electricity, and what kind of problems and limitations they identify. The decision has been made to identify three individual states instead of the EU as a whole because of the fact that each state is in a unique position and is therefore deserving of an individual analysis. This study is relevant because in contemporary academic literature, the topics of European integration in energy policies and renewable energy is often overlooked. Most experts either focus on identifying European policies or the technical aspects of renewable energy, but they are seldom combined. This is problematic because it is almost certain that an increased reliance on renewable energy will have profound effects on societies in EU-member states and on the way the EU is integrated regarding energy policies. The question is therefore not if there is a connection between European integration and renewable sources of electricity, but how the transition to renewable sources in electricity generation influences European Integration within the field of energy cooperation. This article is meant to form as a basis for further research in the connection between the transition to renewable sources of energy and European integration and will therefore be a combination of a description and an analysis.Show less
Much has been written about dissident regions such as Abkhazia, South Ossetia or Transnistria. Unfortunately until today little attention is given to Gagauzia, a dissident region that rejected the...Show moreMuch has been written about dissident regions such as Abkhazia, South Ossetia or Transnistria. Unfortunately until today little attention is given to Gagauzia, a dissident region that rejected the current Moldovan rapprochement towards the EU in its local referendum, organized in 2014. In contemporary academic literature very little is known about the influence of dissident regions like Gagauzia, Transnistria or Abkhazia on the EU rapprochement of their sovereign nation. Along with interviews and other primary sources a model is provided to discover the influence of the three mentioned dissident regions on the EU rapprochement. This research, at least, enriches the current existing academic literature regarding Gagauzia, at the same time it deeply emphasises the limited influence of dissident regions on sovereign nations’ EU rapprochement.Show less
Using an existing framework, it is argued that the EUs identity is quantifiable, with the use of role conceptions (RCs), allowing the comparison of the EUs identity development over time and space,...Show moreUsing an existing framework, it is argued that the EUs identity is quantifiable, with the use of role conceptions (RCs), allowing the comparison of the EUs identity development over time and space, by capturing the values, interests and objectives of the EU, as expressed by consecutive High Representatives of the EU. The complex institutional structure, the highly international nature of the EUs foreign policy making machinery, and to some extent public opinion and security concerns are found to define the EUs foreign policy identity. Seeing as the Lisbon Treaty changes and solidifies the quasi-constitutional foundations of the EU, expands its foreign policy capacities by creating the EEAS and the dual hatted position of High Representative of foreign policy and Vice President of the European Commission), permitting increased foreign policy action and legitimacy, it is thought to change the overall balance of RCs, construing the overall identity of the EU. Using an existing role-set presents many challenges, which this thesis tries to overcome by developing a set of rules and expanding the framework. The results show that the EUs identity changes significantly from Solana to Ashton, increasing the representation of the Stabiliser and Promoter/Defender of Peace and Security RCs, and shifting from RCs emphasizing leadership roles to ones emphasizing international cooperation from Ashton to Mogherini. It is argued that these results show that the Lisbon Treaty develops the capabilities to pursue an increasingly active foreign policy, which allows the EU to respond increasingly to its objectives outlined therein. Policy implementation in relation to providing sustainable solutions to conflict, solving the migration crisis and fighting climate change, through international cooperation correlate to the shifts in the EUs identity.Show less
The collapse of the Soviet Union, not only marked the end of the Cold War, but also resulted in demise of the Nuclear Peace Proposition. With the absence of one of its key prerequisites, namely...Show moreThe collapse of the Soviet Union, not only marked the end of the Cold War, but also resulted in demise of the Nuclear Peace Proposition. With the absence of one of its key prerequisites, namely bipolar world order, the once prevalent in the academic circles structural realist idea that nuclear deterrence successfully promotes international order, fell into oblivion. Despite of repeated attempts by structural realists to revive the notion that nuclear proliferation plays a crucial role in establishing long-term international peace and stability, both contemporary proponents and critics of deterrence strategies disregard the relevance of the Nuclear Peace Proposition, due to a variety of reasons. This research paper engages the ongoing scholarly debate on the applicability of the theory of nuclear peace to the present-day international sphere and seeks to add to the contested topic by proposing the Nuclear Peace Proposition to be disassociated from bipolarity and instead analyzed through the prism of a newly developed model of power allocation, defined as multi-level polarity. Built upon the classical model of multipolarity, multi-level polarity transcends the parochial outlook on proliferation that exclusively revolves around globalism and envisions two distinct layers of nuclear dissemination. It is on the basis of this innovative approach towards the structure of the present-day international sphere that the capacity of the theory of nuclear peace to decrease interstate conflict is both qualitatively and quantitatively investigated.Show less
“Energy is the lifeblood of our society”. This is the opening phrase of the “Energy 2020, a strategy for sustainable, competitive and secure energy” as put forward by the European Commission in...Show more“Energy is the lifeblood of our society”. This is the opening phrase of the “Energy 2020, a strategy for sustainable, competitive and secure energy” as put forward by the European Commission in 2010. Despite the significance of energy, a collective E.U energy policy does not have a long history. A common E.U energy policy started in 2006 when it became understood that a common energy policy was needed to face the challenges that appeared in the beginning of the 21st century. These were higher prices and lower indigenous production, a growing assertiveness of producing countries and competition for resources with the newly emerging economies of China and India. The internal energy policy was based on the idea that liberal and integrated markets would lead to energy security. The external aspect of the energy policy was to promote its internal market regulations and create a common regulatory space with countries beyond its borders. This thesis will try to answer the question of whether or not the Energy Union created in 2015 mark a paradigm shift to E.U’s approach to external energy relations and how that has affected its relations with Russia, its most important supplierShow less
Although, as a region, the Western Balkans are often misunderstood, they have on several occasions taken the world’s attention and in fact been central to key international developments. While...Show moreAlthough, as a region, the Western Balkans are often misunderstood, they have on several occasions taken the world’s attention and in fact been central to key international developments. While often ignored when it comes to global media attention, as of recent the region has become increasingly relevant in light of geopolitical developments resulting from increasing rivalry between Russia and the European Union. Struggling to proceed with democratization, Western Balkans remain an extremely fragile and volatile region, making it susceptible to external influence. The research focuses on how the foreign influence of Russia in the Western Balkans as a ‘disruptive actor’ have played into domestic factors, such as ethnicity and nationalism, and how it has managed to affect the region’s process of democratization. Within the Western Balkans nationalism has served both as a force of unification and of conflict, and as such plays an important role in the regions’ geopolitical developments. Research surrounds the three cases of Montenegro, Macedonia (FYR), and Republika Srpska, one of two entities of Bosnia and Herzegovina: states each representing an ethnic division. While it cannot be argued that Russia is seeking to influence Western Balkan states at the cost of regional stability, it will argue that the increasing security threat posed to its own national interests by NATO and the EU have been the primary motivation for bolstering its efforts in the region. Fueled by the pronounced ‘fatigue’ of EU-enlargement, a window of opportunity has been opened in which it has increasingly exploited its favorable position with the Slavic and Eastern Orthodox communities of the Western Balkans.Show less
The acceleration of developments in the European defence dimension in the late 1990’s and early 2000’s has inspired some to believe that the policy area is moving away from its rigidly...Show moreThe acceleration of developments in the European defence dimension in the late 1990’s and early 2000’s has inspired some to believe that the policy area is moving away from its rigidly intergovernmental character to a more supranational path of integration. This research contradicts that suggestion. The case of defence industrial lobbying for research funds shows a cooperative relation between the European Commission and the defence industry, which indicates that neo-functionalist patterns are indeed present in the defence dimension of the EU. However, these neo-functionalist patterns have only occurred in a policy area that has to be regarded as ‘low politics’. As such, this case suggests that the conventional view that the integration of the European defence dimension can best be explained from an intergovernmentalist perspective.Show less
