Deze scriptie onderzoekt de aanwezigheid van het Thatcherisme binnen de Conservatieve partij na het aftreden van Thatcher door te analyseren of er Thatcherite beleid aanwezig was bij de...Show moreDeze scriptie onderzoekt de aanwezigheid van het Thatcherisme binnen de Conservatieve partij na het aftreden van Thatcher door te analyseren of er Thatcherite beleid aanwezig was bij de Conservatieve Premiers John Major en David Cameron.Show less
This research will aim to measure the impact of social media on the radicalization of Geert Wilders’ discourse in social media. The impact of social media by analysing tweets that Geert Wilders...Show moreThis research will aim to measure the impact of social media on the radicalization of Geert Wilders’ discourse in social media. The impact of social media by analysing tweets that Geert Wilders posted on his personal twitter account is examined. This thesis is focussed on to what extend Geert Wilders' tweets became more anti-liberal democratic over the past ten years.Show less
Een onderzoek naar de relatie tussen de Afghaanse Taliban en al Qaeda. Hierbij wordt, aan de hand van memo's en memoires, onderzocht hoe de Amerikaanse ministers van Defensie Donald Rumsfeld (2001...Show moreEen onderzoek naar de relatie tussen de Afghaanse Taliban en al Qaeda. Hierbij wordt, aan de hand van memo's en memoires, onderzocht hoe de Amerikaanse ministers van Defensie Donald Rumsfeld (2001-2006) en Robert Gates (2006-2011) de relatie zagen.Show less
There exists a confusing and conflicting narrative at the core of the Irish Civil War's historiography. On one hand it has been portrayed as a bitter and savage conflict, while on the other, one in...Show moreThere exists a confusing and conflicting narrative at the core of the Irish Civil War's historiography. On one hand it has been portrayed as a bitter and savage conflict, while on the other, one in which the fighting was exaggerated and overstated. This paper uses a study of the Irish Civil War in the geographical unit of County Kerry to argue that this confusing dichotomy has existed because of the absence of any systematic analysis of that most elemental factor in any armed conflict, the actual violence. Using a micro-level analysis of the violent deaths of National Army soldiers and IRA men in Kerry during the conflict this paper argues that the IRA prosecuted the war using controversial and contentious tactics while a culture of indiscipline in the National Army saw it engage in reprisals and extra-judicial killings as its main means of asserting control.Show less
The Troubles in Northern Ireland from 1968 until 1998 meant changing situations for women in Northern Irish society. Nonetheless, for many women the extent of change depended on which community...Show moreThe Troubles in Northern Ireland from 1968 until 1998 meant changing situations for women in Northern Irish society. Nonetheless, for many women the extent of change depended on which community they were part of. Women in nationalist/republican communities were more involved in all levels of society than their unionist/loyalist counterparts. This also manifested itself in the paramilitaries. The republican paramilitaries included more women and these women were active in a greater variety of roles than the women active in loyalist paramilitaries. The main reason given for this in academia is that republicanism is a more inclusive ideology with wider social goals than loyalism. This thesis analysed, using discourse analysis, party manifestos and conferences of the main unionist/loyalist and nationalist/republican parties in Northern Ireland during the Troubles to investigate whether this argument also extends to politics. In short, to analyse whether the republican/nationalist parties were more inclusive of women's issues than unionist/loyalist parties. The research found that unionist/loyalist parties generally tended to be less inclusive of women's issues than nationalist/republican ones, but there was one outlier: the loyalist Progressive Unionist Party, which included a wide variety of women's issues, more so than all nationalist/republican parties. Thus, this thesis concludes that the argument of republicanism as a more inclusive ideology extends to politics to some extent.Show less
Looking at the possibility of violence in local manifestations of global protest movements can help predict the likelihood of violence occurring during new instances of protest. Looing at Occupy...Show moreLooking at the possibility of violence in local manifestations of global protest movements can help predict the likelihood of violence occurring during new instances of protest. Looing at Occupy Wall Street and the Global Justice movement and their local chapters in New York, London and Hamburg has led to several insights. Despite the disconnect between conflict and violence, the underlying logic of using violence as a repertoire of contention becomes evident. The time available for both the preparation of the protest and the response from the authorities do play a role in determining the degree of violence. Spontaneous protests, such as Occupy Wall Street in New York and London only were met with attention, and later violence, when their primary goal of public deliberation became evident. The violence was coupled with attempts at eviction. In case of Global Justice Movement protests as a response to the G20 summits in London and Hamburg, the activists had a longer time to prepare, which gave the authorities to prepare a response. Moreover, the protesters only had a limited time available and had to utilise that time to make their demands known. It appears, therefor, that the temporality of a protest is a significant factor in the likelihood of violence.Show less
Assimilation in colonial African history has often been studied as an active policy. Recent literature has argued that assimilation was instead far more limited and complicated, especially in the...Show moreAssimilation in colonial African history has often been studied as an active policy. Recent literature has argued that assimilation was instead far more limited and complicated, especially in the case of French-Senegal. This thesis therefore examines cultural assimilation as a rhetorical tool rather than as a directly implemented idea, asking: did the French colonial government in Senegal, between 1852 and 1906, consciously implement assimilation processes with the intended purpose of stimulating the general acceptance of French identity in local indigenous groups, or were there other factors involved? A precursory analysis of how the métis of the Four Communes self-gallicised into French mercantile and cultural intermediaries frames the complex historical situation of French-Senegal. The centuries-long public disinterest towards imperial affairs that the métis experienced resulted in certain freedoms, which they used to construct themselves as French intermediaries over a long period of time. This directly contrasts the short-term adjustments to the indigenous status quo undergone by the Toucouleurs of Futa Toro in the late-19th century, after decades of direct and indirect conflict with the French. This paper provides a more complete picture of how assimilation evolved, was viewed, and significantly more limited than 19th and early-20th century ideological rhetoric suggests. Limited intermediary construction emerges instead as the colonial government’s main policy to ensure long-term stability in newly acquired interior regions, imperial competition with other European powers being a key catalyst. While the colonial government did attempt a few instances of direct assimilation, the budgetary and logistical difficulties of enforcing the acceptance of French civilization indicate that this was not in colonial interest. Policy was instead driven to construct effective intermediaries, which allowed the government to focus on the larger issues it had to deal with. This is connected to the initial war against the jihadi Toucouleur Empire, and the continuing threat that both it and its leaders represented. The Toucouleur Empire had control over a significant swath of West Africa, and the ruling Tall dynasty that claimed those territories was a problem for French colonial ambitions. In addition, the predominantly Islamic indigenous group was highly resistant to foreign Europeans, making assimilation all the more difficult and unlikely in the long run. Due to the demands of imperial competition, the French sought to undermine the Toucouleur Empire, and the Tall dynasty that held sway over it. This was successful, in part thanks to manipulation of the geopolitical situation through treaties with local indigenous chiefs and arming Toucouleur rivals - with indigenous geopolitics playing a significant role on its own in causing the decline of the Toucouleur Empire. The colonial government seized Futa Toro in 1890, forcing the Tall dynasty into exile. The years that followed and the policies implemented further suggest that assimilation was limited in French-Senegal, largely relegated to rhetoric that exaggerated events to fit into unrealistic ideological expectations. A form of limited intermediary construction was emphasised instead, as seen in source description of Islamic policies, which sought to restrict the movement of Muslim preachers and curtail the influence of Islam. Due to the cultural importance of the Islamic faith in Futa Toro, this policy intended to favour French civilization as a replacement – but was unsuccessful. This shows the difficulties that the colonial government encountered when it did attempt to enforce the widespread acceptance of French civilization, and by extension identity, in indigenous groups. Information-gathering practises through 19th century military expeditions also highlight that the colonial government was in no position to extensively consolidate French identity in the region. The French had to acquire as much information about local affairs as possible, so that effective policies could be enacted within budgetary restrictions – which they used to guide the writing of treaties. This is tied to the power wielded by the Tall dynasty, which originated from established Islamic traditions such as the hajj. The French, through information-gathering practises, were well aware of these traditions, and sought to limit the ability for the clerical elite to rebel effectively against them in the long-term. The eventual restriction of the hajj was subsequently enacted through enforced treaty terms, ensuring that indigenous elite children would acquire a predominantly French-education. Yet even in these schools, they were able to speak their own language outside of class and attend Qur’anic schools. This was done so that the ruling elite would be gallicised enough to never question colonial rule, yet not French enough to be able to identify themselves as such in any meaningful way – potentially unable to act as effective leaders and intermediaries in their respective communities as a result. Even this process was complicated by conflicting interpretations of assimilation between colonial missionaries and officials, relating to assimilation’s conceptual connection to the European civilizing mission. This thesis therefore concludes that the French colonial government in Senegal, between 1852 and 1906, certainly talked about assimilation in a way that implied they had consciously implemented assimilation processes with the intended purpose of stimulating the general acceptance of French identity in local indigenous groups. Other factors show that this was not the historical reality, however. The colonial government was not able to apply direct assimilation to the same ideological extent as rhetoric portrayed. Rather, over the span of several decades and due to budgetary restrictions, the government focused on applying pragmatic long-term solutions to ensure public order and stability. This conclusion was driven by theoretical and methodological considerations. To ensure that colonial perspectives remained firmly fixed in their context, this thesis was written using a social imaginary approach, permitting this paper to speak more objectively to what occurred within colonial conversations. Importantly, this avoids the assumption that a ‘superior’ civilisation was dictating the terms of interaction in West Africa. In addition, this new approach provides fresh insights and perspectives, allowing this thesis to contribute something new to existing colonial African literature.Show less
People's political participation in Eastern (and Central Europe) have been influenced by their relative communist past, as well as the transitional period, which brought created a worse socio...Show morePeople's political participation in Eastern (and Central Europe) have been influenced by their relative communist past, as well as the transitional period, which brought created a worse socio-economic situation.Show less
This thesis aimed to apply new social movement (NSM) theory on the ongoing yellow vests movement in France. These set of theories claim that collective action from the 1960’s onwards represents a...Show moreThis thesis aimed to apply new social movement (NSM) theory on the ongoing yellow vests movement in France. These set of theories claim that collective action from the 1960’s onwards represents a radical shift away from materialist-driven, class-based social movements of decades prior. NSM theory states that modern collective action focuses more on cultural and societal issues, highlights the decline in importance of class, particularly the working-class, as well as the considerable distance from existing political systems. However, the highly-charged and seemingly material-based yellow vests movement, with its muddled and messy message of systematic change represents a noticeable shift away from this theoretical paradigm. Thus, this thesis concluded that NSM theory is becoming increasingly inadequate in explaining this type of collective action.Show less
This thesis analyses the use of persuasive rhetorical styles within the political discourse that was present in the popular prints of early eighteenth century Scotland. Using Aristotle’s rhetorical...Show moreThis thesis analyses the use of persuasive rhetorical styles within the political discourse that was present in the popular prints of early eighteenth century Scotland. Using Aristotle’s rhetorical schemata of logos, pathos and ethos as a tool for textual analysis, this thesis demonstrates how Whig, Tory and Jacobite agents used the medium of popular print to endorse their own political ideologies as well as undermining those of their opponents from the Act of Union of 1707 until the Porteous affair of 1736. About twenty percent of the popular prints that constitute this thesis’ corpus of sources, were found to contain political notions corresponding to the contemporary party lines. Within these prints, Whigs were found to appeal to logos for factual representation and amplification, but primarily made use of the pathos of graciousness to portray themselves as righteous. The appeal to this emotion was supported by a virtuous ethos that focused on characterizations such as goodness, honesty and grace. Contrarily, Tories and Jacobites hardly made use of logos but instead appealed to a range of emotions within the concept of pathos, such as gentleness and pity, and ascribed themselves an ethos that included bravery, valance and loyalty. In undermining the opposition, both Whig as well as Tory and Jacobite prints vilify the opponent through the pathos of anger, hatred, enmity and contempt. However, it is in the undermining where ethos becomes the main means of persuasion. Tories are described as incompetent, Jacobites are characterized as barbarous fools, and Whigs as conceiting and self-serving politicians. Consequently, Whigs typically sought to portray themselves as morally and ethically superior to their opponents and their readership, whereas Jacobites seemingly sought to identify with their readership more, emphasizing how everyone was suffering under the Whig government. This thesis outlines the persuasive content of a political discourse that was present within a type of print available to both high and low culture. With this, it argues that political discussion was not strictly reserved for intelligentsia, although it also sustains the assumption that ephemeral print was generally used as a trivial news agent. Ass well as this, this thesis provides two relative novelties. First, it constructs an explicit and restricting definition of the concept 'popular', unlike most academic publications on this concept that apply the term without restrictions. Second, it offers a series of perspectives on the content of a previously unstudied corpus of ephemeral prints published in early eighteenth century Scotland, which is both a period and area that has been understudied with regards to the role of politics in popular print culture.Show less
The Republic of Ireland and its relationship with Catholicism and the Catholic church in Ireland has been a prominent topic in Irish and International newspapers in recent years, primarily due to...Show moreThe Republic of Ireland and its relationship with Catholicism and the Catholic church in Ireland has been a prominent topic in Irish and International newspapers in recent years, primarily due to the scandals that have arisen relating to the abuse of women and children under the care of the State. It’s ill-treatment of the vulnerable citizens who were in the care of religious institutions has been increasingly public since the early 1990s and includes women in Magdalen laundries and those in mother and baby homes amongst other victims. How these scandals were addressed by Irish newspapers following the pivotal points from 1990 to the present day and the impact of this on the secularisation of Ireland are addressed in this paper.Show less
In order to add to the academic and societal debate on Salafism, this thesis will approach the topic of Salafism in the Netherlands from both a philosophical and a political perspective through the...Show moreIn order to add to the academic and societal debate on Salafism, this thesis will approach the topic of Salafism in the Netherlands from both a philosophical and a political perspective through the question “To what extent are Salafi’s rejecting Dutch Enlightenment ideals and does this weaken these ideals in society?”. Instead of focusing on the possible jihadi/terrorist threat Salafism might pose, like most previous research on European Salafism, the stances of Salafi’s on Dutch society will be analysed, and what effect this has on society. This will be done through researching the representation of Enlightenment values in Dutch political manifesto’s before and after the rise of Salafism in the Netherlands.. The thesis concludes that Salafism is a largely diverse group which rejects Enlightenment values to various degrees. Furthermore it concludes that Salafism has strengthened these Enlightenment ideals in the Netherlands, as the political manifesto’s represent Enlightenment values in a much stronger manner after the rise of Dutch Salafism.Show less
Deze scriptie plaatst de Ierse onafhankelijkheidsoorlog in een koloniale context om zo te bepalen in hoeverre Ierland gezien kan worden als een kolonie.
