Master thesis | European Politics and Society: Vaclav Havel Joint Master Programme
open access
The necessity of a transition to a more sustainable food system is widely recognised, but the path that should be taken to achieve this is strongly contested. In 2020 the European Commission...Show moreThe necessity of a transition to a more sustainable food system is widely recognised, but the path that should be taken to achieve this is strongly contested. In 2020 the European Commission published the Farm to Fork Strategy, a policy framework which has the aim of facilitating the transition to a more sustainable food system in the European Union. Since its publication, it has however faced mounting opposition and consequently there are growing concerns that the original promise of the Strategy will be watered down. In light of the need to build and maintain support for the Farm to Fork Strategy throughout the EU, a deeper understanding of the media discourse on this issue can provide important insights for policymakers and campaigners. There is, however, little research on the media discourse on sustainability, and even less on sustainable food systems. Using Austria and Czechia as case studies, this thesis investigates the media discourse on sustainable food systems in the European Union. My findings demonstrate that while there are many similarities in the reporting, there are also important differences in the content of the media coverage between the two countries. Furthermore, I find that frames which emphasise the role of the market in addressing sustainability issues are dominant in the coverage across both countries. Other key frames identified include the role of regulation in transitioning to sustainable food systems, as well as the potential of technological solutions. Furthermore, a new frame is identified that emphasises how the negative impacts of imported food such as food insecurity and carbon emissions can be avoided through prioritisation of nationally produced food.Show less
The downing of Flight MH17 in July 2014 constitutes a major crisis and a critical juncture in Dutch foreign policy towards Russia. This critical juncture created the conditions under which a...Show moreThe downing of Flight MH17 in July 2014 constitutes a major crisis and a critical juncture in Dutch foreign policy towards Russia. This critical juncture created the conditions under which a significant change in Dutch foreign policy towards Russia became possible as institutional constraints were suddenly loosened. By using process tracing this thesis studies the changes in Dutch foreign policy and the causal mechanism behind them following the downing of the airplane. The Dutch government initially took on a cautious position as it was hoping Russia could be convinced to cooperate with the investigation. However as the Kremlin continually spreads disinformation about Flight MH17 and consistently seeks to discredit and undermine the investigations, the Dutch government started to use more confrontational and less accommodating diplomatic tools. This is evidenced by the way in which the Dutch government exposed the foiled OPCW hacking attempt by the GRU as well as how it criticised Russia’s behaviour surrounding the downing of Flight MH17.Show less
As the involvement of regional organizations in peacekeeping has significantly grown over the past decades, the relationship of these organizations with the United Nations has been reconfigured....Show moreAs the involvement of regional organizations in peacekeeping has significantly grown over the past decades, the relationship of these organizations with the United Nations has been reconfigured. This is particularly the case for the African Union and the UN, that set up their first peacekeeping mission with joint ownership in 2007 with UNAMID, the UN-AU hybrid mission in Darfur. The UN-AU relationship is not only determined by global-regional power relations, also postcolonial power relations play a role. As a result of these power relations, the AU is often perceived as being rather agency- and powerless. This thesis will counter this narrative, by studying the way in which the AU exercised agency over the set-up of UNAMID. It finds that while the AU was constrained by material capacity and the influence of powerful actors, it was still able to exercise agency and have influence on the UN, by using discursive strategies and the contestation of norms. Following these findings, this thesis advocates for a decolonial shift in the understanding of the AU that makes space for African agency and African contributions in international affairs, particularly, but not only, in peace and security matters.Show less
The liberal world order, as we have known for decades is in decline and emerging states are on the rise, meaning that a new world order is around the corner. EU-China relations are key in this...Show moreThe liberal world order, as we have known for decades is in decline and emerging states are on the rise, meaning that a new world order is around the corner. EU-China relations are key in this regard and will be examined in this thesis by means of a discourse analysis. With only a few studies focussing on the effects of language politics or discursive power in international relations, this thesis employs new insights that go beyond IR literature that is often situated in Western geographies and it uniquely applies a discourse analysis to provide evidence. Hence, this thesis answers the following research question: How does China seek to construct the nature and content of the EU-China Dialogue and why does it act in this fashion?Show less
EU enlargement is a complex and lengthy process that grants membership to candidate countries that meet the required criteria. The event of the veto, that rejected North Macedonia and Albania to...Show moreEU enlargement is a complex and lengthy process that grants membership to candidate countries that meet the required criteria. The event of the veto, that rejected North Macedonia and Albania to accession negotiates, temporarily ceased the enlargement process and underlined certain systematic deficiencies. The veto was initiated by French President Emmanuel Macron under the justification that Albania had not satisfied certain requirements to be suitable for accession talks as the state lacked a certain degree of economic stability. Various countries reacted differently to Macron’s decision. The Netherlands and Denmark showed support whereas Serbia, a current candidate country, reacted in a different manner. Serbia’s attitude towards the EU significantly changed as there was an underlying presence of hostility. Before the veto, there was a high level of EU-Serbia cooperation. Serbia was taking certain initiatives to demonstrate commitment by opening new chapters and collaborating with different EU leading politicians to discuss enlargement. Whereas after, there was less support for the EU and an increase in cooperation with actors that are not in favour of the EU, such as with Russia, Turkey and China. This paper examines the Serbia-EU relationship by analyzing the responses Serbia conducted before and after the veto. By using qualitative research methods, it identifies and analyzes the significant events during the time period of interest and applies different theoretical frameworks to further provide an explanation for the established responses. The theories applied were different theoretical frameworks to enlargement and theories relevant to Serbian enlargement politics. This research bases its evidence from various news articles and investigates the political activity conducted by Serbia in the form of public statements and political decision making. The research demonstrates that the responses were a product of Serbia not having effectively internalized the EU fundamental principles, thus preventing Serbia from progressing on its path towards the EU. The event of the veto damaged the EU’s credibility and established that the possibilities of future EU enlargement have significantly decreased. Therefore, for Serbia, an implementation of unfavorable liberal principles within their state is considered as unnecessary since the guarantee of membership is perceived as uncertain.Show less
My analysis provides little support for the claim that Instagram’s algorithm is exploited in an attempt to increase the exposure to RNQs’ content/narratives or instill users with a fake sense of...Show moreMy analysis provides little support for the claim that Instagram’s algorithm is exploited in an attempt to increase the exposure to RNQs’ content/narratives or instill users with a fake sense of organic support, by employing bots to amplify their messages and enlarge their following. Although at first glance, it appears like bots make up a substantial amount of their followers, compared to other established media, their number is not significant, but rather a representation of the overall inauthentic bot population on the SMP. Among the inspected outlets, only the Italian outlet “ilGiornale” exhibited abnormal metrics throughout all steps of the analysis and is therefore considered to benefit from CP methods. Since this RNQ has not uploaded any content to Instagram since May 2019 and only has 16 posts in total, an increased exposure to their content is considered to be no threat to democratic deliberation. Rather, even without CP, it is an emerging right-wing media ecosystem that poses an increasing challenge to EU democracy. These findings, however, should be taken cautiously, as in the course of the empirical chapter, it becomes obvious that qualitative bot-detection models were designed for Twitter or Facebook and do not adequately take the platform-specifics of Instagram into account. Hence, the number of bots and subsequently the number of RNQ accounts that benefit from CP might actually be higher than this analysis suggests.Show less
Language has the capacity to make politics, create narratives and impact policy making (Hajer, 2006). In the study of foreign policy, discourses define the issues at stake, create a sense of shared...Show moreLanguage has the capacity to make politics, create narratives and impact policy making (Hajer, 2006). In the study of foreign policy, discourses define the issues at stake, create a sense of shared ‘common knowledge’ and legitimize foreign policies as necessary and plausible (Hansen, 2013, 2016). When the Ukrainian crisis breaks out in 2014, Europe is confronted with one of the most complex situations for decades. The sense of urgency increases for one member state in particular when flight MH17 is shot down above Ukraine. Losing almost 200 citizens in the crash, the Netherlands suddenly becomes a central actor in this conflict. The literature, however, pays little attention to the domestic political debates regarding Ukraine. Moreover, the role of parliaments and oppositional political parties in foreign policy is under-accounted for. Therefore, this thesis analyses whether and how discourses are reflected in the Dutch foreign policy debate since the Ukrainian crisis and what role the parliament and political parties play in Dutch foreign policy. A discourse analysis is conducted to see what discourses are reflected in the parliamentary debates. This studies shows that identity-policy constructions – articulated through discourses – are crucial for defining and legitimizing Dutch foreign policies. Furthermore, it finds that the Government’s official foreign policy discourse is influenced and constrained by oppositional discourses that stress the normative and geopolitical aspects of Dutch foreign policy. Hence, this study provides new insight into the role of discourse in the wider political debate in the Netherlands. Though this thesis establishes that the parliament and political parties matter in this specific case, more research is needed on the role of parliaments and political parties to make generalizable conclusions for foreign policy more broadly.Show less
The heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims...Show moreThe heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of Russian foreign policy within the OSCE as well as Russia’s stance towards Euro-Atlantic security issues. It addresses the question how Russia discursively constructs its national identity within the OSCE in the period 2008-2018 and whether these discourses reveal any changes and/or contradictions. This thesis fills an important research gap, because no previous research has been done on Russia’s national identity within the OSCE. A comprehensive understanding of a state’s national identity in its foreign policy is relevant, as it provides insights into the ideological factors that drive how a state defines and pursues its national interests and subsequently foreign policy. A poststructuralist discourse analysis is conducted of the Russian statements delivered at the yearly OSCE Ministerial Council Meetings in the period 2008-2018. The discourse analysis provided insights into how Russia perceives and would like to promote itself within the OSCE. It demonstrated that Russia presents itself within the OSCE as a redeemer of OSCE unilateral actions and an advocate of multilateralism, as a leading, responsible and moral actor that wants to be perceived and treated as a great power, and lastly as a guardian of traditional values and the Russian Orthodox Church.Show less
The nearly three decades long Macedonian Name Dispute was the biggest obstacle for North Macedonia on its path towards not only Euro-Atlantic integration, but world recognition as well. This thesis...Show moreThe nearly three decades long Macedonian Name Dispute was the biggest obstacle for North Macedonia on its path towards not only Euro-Atlantic integration, but world recognition as well. This thesis analyzes the role which two seemingly unrelated to the name dispute events, had in precipitating the resolution of Skopje’s bitter feud with Athens. By establishing the historical context behind the name dispute, in addition to providing a detailed analysis of the 2017 Bulgarian-Macedonian Friendship Treaty and the 2018 Bulgarian Presidency of the Council of the EU, this study uncovers one of the many factors that led to the signing of the 2018 Prespa Agreement, which marked the official conclusion of the 27 years long Macedonian Name Dispute.Show less
In the 2016 EU Global Strategy, High Representative/Vice-President Mogherini called for a “stronger Europe” in response to the continuous string of crises and challenges the EU faced in the past...Show moreIn the 2016 EU Global Strategy, High Representative/Vice-President Mogherini called for a “stronger Europe” in response to the continuous string of crises and challenges the EU faced in the past decade. Since the institutionalization of Common Foreign and Security Policy, and Common Security and Defence Policy and with the gradual emergence of the EU as a foreign policy actor, scholars have tried to craft appropriate concepts, frameworks and approaches which would allow them to define and study the EU’s characteristics, role and ability in the realm of external action. Strategic culture is one of these concepts which tries to answer core questions about what influences and drives strategic behaviour in foreign policy, like a “compass” which can help an actor navigate and pursue its strategic priorities. In an effort to contribute to the under-researched body of literature on this concept, this paper studies the development of EU strategic culture by comparing the 2003 European Security Strategy with the 2016 Global Strategy. These documents codify strategic culture by providing written accounts of the EU’s shared values, interests and the means it defines as appropriate to pursue these interests. The findings confirm that an EU strategic culture has developed between 2003 and 2016, notably by defining a set of shared values and interests for the first time, through its ability to identify and update its threat assessments based on recent changes in its environment, as well as thanks to a range of concrete tool-building proposals guided by these norms and interests, notably in the field of military capabilities.Show less
On April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that...Show moreOn April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that started in 2011 slowly unfolded into a larger regional and international conflict. The complexity of alliances in the Syrian conflict might be a reason of the long-lasting hostilities that still continue today. This thesis investigated the role of two main actors in the Syrian conflict: the United States and Russia. This study aimed to answer the following research question: how are the US-Russian relations in the UNSC on the Syrian conflict from March 2011-June 2018? In a heightened atmosphere in international relations, it is important to find out if more room for cooperation between the two countries exists within the UNSC framework. A document analysis of the UNSC meeting records, presidential statements and (draft) resolutions from 2011-2018 has been conducted. The contribution of this study lies in the systematic analysis of the UNSC minutes on the Syrian conflict which enables the author to draw conclusions over the entirety of the war. By looking at three main categories – the use of chemical weapons, humanitarian assistance, and the political peace process – this thesis found out that the US and Russia seem to agree on a broader level, but that filling in the details proves to be problematic.Show less
This thesis analyses the portrayal of women in Russian fairy tales written in the late imperial age by examining three different tales, published by Alexander Afanasyev. Also, the thesis aims to...Show moreThis thesis analyses the portrayal of women in Russian fairy tales written in the late imperial age by examining three different tales, published by Alexander Afanasyev. Also, the thesis aims to clarify the relevance of examining Russian literature in the nineteenth century, fairy tales, and the application of gender studies to this literature. The publication by Afanasyev in 1855 includes the first written versions of the tales Maria Morevna, Vasilisa the Beautiful and The Feather of Finist the Bright Falcon. This examination analyses the content of the fairy tales, the action and behaviour of the female figures. The research is supported by the gender congruency theory, which proposes gender influences behaviour. The purpose of this analysis is to illuminate the relevance of fairy tales and gender study within Russian literature.Show less
Strategic culture is often presented as largely resistant to change. Most literature on strategic culture agrees that external shocks, such as a war or a revolution, can change an actor’s strategic...Show moreStrategic culture is often presented as largely resistant to change. Most literature on strategic culture agrees that external shocks, such as a war or a revolution, can change an actor’s strategic culture. In the literature on al Qaeda’s strategic culture a rift exists between those who argue it is mainly rigid and those who argue it adapts to other kinds of change, such as systemic or internal change. The thesis researches whether al Qaeda’s strategic culture stays rigid or adapts when faced with systemic or internal change.Show less
Today, there is broad consensus that the European Commission of the European Union needs transparency in order to function as a representative democracy. The transparency development within the...Show moreToday, there is broad consensus that the European Commission of the European Union needs transparency in order to function as a representative democracy. The transparency development within the Commission shows an interesting pattern, especially after Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker came into office in 2014. The current transparency debate revolves around the question to what extent the Commission has overcome opacity under the leadership of President Juncker halfway through its mandate. Advocates of transparency argue in favor of a relative increase of Commission transparency by democratic standards compared to other public institutions. A more critical account detects a more ‘captured transparency’, highlighting the loopholes and obstacles for the Commission to overcome in order to become an effective representative democracy. This work provides a detailed and multi-disciplinary examination of the questions how transparency has progressed within the Commission. An examination of the transparency developments will be made of the Commission’s Directorate General for Financial Stability, Financial Services and Capital Markets (DG FISMA), because this department has the highest number of meetings with interest representatives and stakeholders on policy-making. The analysis that follows will establish a comprehensive framework of the relationship between the implementation of transparency measures in the Directorate General and its interpretation. Therefore, this work provides for an institutional analysis of policy change. The paper concludes that the current Commission transparency policies in place have several flaws and that it leaves room for improvement to strengthen democratic legitimacy. However, the study also shows that when change is brought about in a broad and practical form it can - on the long-term - fulfil the democratic transparency promise of President Juncker. The recommendations resulting from this research may serve as a basis for the future development of transparency measures in the area of European studies.Show less
After the end of the Cold War, US – Russia relations have been fluctuating. In recent years, they have been deteriorating, partly because of the annexation of Crimea by Russia in March 2014. The...Show moreAfter the end of the Cold War, US – Russia relations have been fluctuating. In recent years, they have been deteriorating, partly because of the annexation of Crimea by Russia in March 2014. The portrayal in the media of the other has become increasingly negative in both states, and public opinion polls show that an increasing number of Americans and Russians saw each other as “unfavourable” in the months after the annexation. The purpose of this thesis is to examine how the annexation was framed in both American and Russian news. It employs a deductive framing analysis, using five pre-defined, issue-specific frames, that were derived from the literature. The dataset consists of two articles each out of two Russian and two American newspapers. The thesis concludes that American and Russian news have framed the annexation differently: American news framed the annexation as an aggressive Russian act, whereas Russian news framed it as a result of the Crimean people freely expressing their will to reunite with Russia. As media has an influence on public opinion, the results of this research partly explain the decline of respective favourability in public opinion.Show less
The success of the Russian anti-corruption blogger Alexei Navalny in bringing to light the corruption of high-level government officials has reinvigorated the debate about the effectiveness of...Show moreThe success of the Russian anti-corruption blogger Alexei Navalny in bringing to light the corruption of high-level government officials has reinvigorated the debate about the effectiveness of social media, and in particular blogging, to stimulate socio-political activism. This thesis looks beyond Russia’s most famous blogger to see who else is using the capabilities of (video)blogging to highlight and support the fight against corruption in the country. In particular, it analyzes blogposts by Ilya Varlamov and Erik Davidych and measures their direct effects in terms of the fight against corruption. By doing so, this research contributes to the debate of the usefulness of social media in the stimulation of socio-political activism, and reveals the possible short-term effects that blogging can have as a tool to battle corruption. The thesis concludes that despite media repression and the large scale of corruption in Russia, the short-term effects of anti-corruption blogging can be positive, while the long-term consequences are unclear.Show less
